国务院新闻办公室15日发表了《西藏发展道路的历史选择》白皮书。全文如下：

The State Council Information Office, China's cabinet, on Wednesday published a white paper on the development path of Tibet. Following is the full text:

西藏发展道路的历史选择

中华人民共和国

国务院新闻办公室

2015年4月

Tibet's Path of Development Is Driven by an Irresistible Historical Tide

The State Council Information Office of the People's Republic of China

April 2015, Beijing

目 录

Contents

前言

Foreword

一、旧制度必然退出西藏历史舞台

I. The End of the Old System Was a Historical Inevitability

二、新西藏走上了一条正确发展道路

II. New Tibet Follows a Sound Path of Development

三、“中间道路”的实质是分裂中国

III. The Essential Intent of the "Middle Way" Is to Split China

四、“和平”、“非暴力”的假象

IV. A Veneer of Peace and Non-violence

五、中央政府对十四世达赖的政策

V. The Central Government's Policy Towards the 14th Dalai Lama

结束语

Conclusion

前言

Foreword

中华人民共和国是中国各族人民共同缔造的统一的多民族国家。在长期的历史发展中，中国各民族形成了休戚与共的中华民族命运共同体。西藏自古是中国的一部分，藏族是中华民族命运共同体的一员。西藏的命运始终与伟大祖国和中华民族的命运紧密相连。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

The People's Republic of China is a united multi-ethnic country created through the joined efforts of the peoples of all the ethnic groups in China. Over the long course of history, these ethnic groups have grown into a single community that responds to each and every challenge under the single name of the Chinese nation. Tibet has been a part of China's territory since ancient times, and the Tibetans have been one communal member of the Chinese nation. The destiny of Tibet has always been closely connected with the destiny of the great motherland and the Chinese nation.

历史上，藏族人民创造了辉煌的历史和文化，为丰富和发展中国历史、中华文化作出了贡献。但是，直到20世纪中期，西藏仍处于政教合一的封建农奴制统治之下，生产力水平极其低下，社会保守封闭、衰败落后。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Down through the ages, the Tibetan people have created a brilliant history and culture, and contributed to the enrichment and development of Chinese overall history and culture. However, the social system of Tibet remained one of theocratic feudal serfdom until the mid-20th century, with an economy that was extremely underdeveloped, and a society that was conservative, closed and backward.

西藏真正步入现代文明始于1949年中华人民共和国成立后。历经和平解放、民主改革、自治区成立、改革开放等重要发展阶段，西藏不仅建立起全新的社会制度，而且实现了经济社会发展的历史性跨越，走上了中国特色社会主义道路。

Tibet first began to embrace modern civilization only after the People's Republic of China was founded in 1949. Having going through such important phases as peaceful liberation, democratic reform, establishment of the Tibet Autonomous Region, and introduction of reform and opening up, Tibet has not only established a new social system, but also witnessed great historical leap forward in its economy and embarked on the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

西藏走上今天的发展道路，是现代文明发展的客观要求，顺应了人类社会进步潮流，符合中国国情和发展实际，符合西藏各族人民的根本利益。在这条道路上，西藏各族人民当家作主，成为国家、社会和自己命运的主人；西藏实现了由贫穷落后向富裕文明的跨越，以崭新姿态呈现在世人面前；西藏各族人民与全国人民和睦相处、和衷共济，共同创造幸福美好新生活；西藏以开放的姿态面向世界，积极吸纳人类文明优秀成果。

Tibet's continual progress on its present path of development is one of the objective requirements of modern civilization. It accords with the progressive trend of human society, the prevailing conditions and the current reality in China, and the fundamental interests of all ethnic groups in Tibet. While following this path, the people of the numerous ethnic groups in Tibet have become masters of their country and their society, and critically, masters of their own destiny. Along the way, Tibet has been transformed from a poor and backward society to one that is advanced in both economy and culture. Along the way, the people of Tibet have found harmony and the means of working together with the people of other parts of China to create a better and happier life. And along the way, Tibet has opened to the rest of the world and begun to absorb the outstanding achievements of human civilization.

西藏发展进步所取得的巨大成就，充分说明西藏走上的发展道路是正确的。但是，长期流亡海外、代表封建农奴主阶级残余势力的十四世达赖集团，出于“西藏独立”的政治目的和对旧西藏政教合一的封建农奴制的眷恋，在长期推行暴力“藏独”路线遭受失败后，这些年又大肆鼓吹“中间道路”。“中间道路”貌似“妥协”、“折衷”、“和平”、“非暴力”，实则否定新中国成立以来西藏走上的正确发展道路，企图在中国领土上建立由十四世达赖集团统治的“国中之国”，分步达到实现“西藏独立”的目的。

Tibet's tremendous progress in its development serves as eloquent evidence that the path it is now following is the correct one. However, there is a party who cluster around the 14th Dalai Lama, representatives of the remnants of the feudal serf owners who have long lived in exile, driven by a political goal of "Tibetan independence" and a sentimental attachment to the old theocratic feudal serfdom. In recent years, having seen the failure of their attempts to instigate violence in support of their cause, they have turned to preaching a "middle way." This "middle way" purports to advocate "compromise," "concession," "peace" and "non-violence"; in reality it negates the sound path of development that Tibet has followed since the founding of the People's Republic, and attempts to create a "state within a state" on Chinese territory, to be ruled by the 14th Dalai Lama and his supporters, as an interim step towards the ultimate goal of full independence.

一、旧制度必然退出西藏历史舞台

I. The End of the Old System Was a Historical Inevitability

20世纪50年代，当奴隶制、农奴制、黑奴制已为现代文明所彻底唾弃之时，西藏社会依然处于政教合一的封建农奴制统治之下。政教合一的封建农奴制粗暴践踏人类尊严，严重侵犯基本人权，根本阻碍西藏社会发展，完全背离中国和世界进步潮流。

In the 1950s, when slavery and serfdom had long since been abandoned by modern civilization, Tibet still remained a society of theocratic feudal serfdom. This system trampled on human dignity, infringed upon human rights, and impeded development in Tibet, all of which went completely against the progressive trend in China and the rest of the world.

——政教合一，神权至上，神权政治的典型代表

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Political and religious powers combined, with absolute supremacy held by religious power - a typical manifestation of theocracy

在旧西藏，神权至上，政权庇护神权，神权控制政权，神权与政权融为一体，共同维护官家、贵族和寺院上层僧侣三大封建领主的统治。据统计，1959年民主改革前，西藏共有寺庙2676座，僧众114925人。僧众人数约占男性人口的四分之一，其比例远超欧洲中世纪神职人员，世所罕见。

In old Tibet, religious power enjoyed absolute supremacy. Religious power prevailed over political power while the latter protected the former. The two combined to defend the interests of the three major stakeholders: local officials, aristocrats and higher-ranking lamas in the monasteries. Before Democratic Reform in 1959, there were 2,676 monasteries and almost 115,000 Buddhist monks and their acolytes in Tibet. Active monks accounted for one quarter of the local male population, a total that far exceeded the proportion of clergy in Medieval Europe, and was highly unusual throughout the world.

在神权政治下，宗教被封建农奴制玷污，寺庙并非单纯的潜心礼佛的清净之地，而是集开展宗教活动、控制一方政权、实施经济剥削、囤积武装力量、进行司法审判等功能为一体的统治堡垒。有的寺庙内部私设公堂，不仅有手铐、脚镣、棍棒，还有用来剜目、抽筋的残酷刑具，惩罚农奴手段极其残忍。现存的20世纪50年代初西藏地方政府有关部门致热布典头目的一封信内记载，一次，为了给十四世达赖念经祝寿，下密院全体人员需要念忿怒十五施食回遮法，“为切实完成此次佛事，需于当日抛食，急需湿肠一副、头颅两个、多种血、人皮一整张，望立即送来”。寺庙领主在三大领主中放债最多，约占总额的80%。

In this theocratic society religion had been distorted by feudal serfdom, and monasteries were no longer places of purity to study Buddhism and worship the Buddha, but fortresses from which the local rulers organized religious activities, exercised administration and exploitation, built up their armed forces, and passed judicial adjudication. Some monasteries even had private jails, with instruments of torture used for eye gouging and hamstringing, in addition to handcuffs, chains and clubs. A letter from the Tibetan local government department to the head of a Rabden (a theocratic and administrative organization at a lower level) in the early 1950s contains instructions in relation to the celebration of the 14th Dalai Lama's birthday, which said that all the staff of Lower Tantric College would chant the sutra on the occasion, and "during the service, food will be offered to the hungry ghosts, for which a corpus of fresh intestines, two skulls, some mixed blood and a whole human skin are urgently needed. Please have these delivered without delay." Among the three major stakeholders, the upper-ranking lamas were the biggest money-lenders, controlling 80 percent of all loans.

由于大量人口不从事生育和生产，并且成为神权政治压榨的工具，导致社会资源严重匮乏，人口增长长期停滞。据19世纪中期成书的《圣武记·西藏后记》记载，清乾隆二年（1737年）理藩院汇造西藏达赖、班禅所辖地区，共有喇嘛31.62万人以上，而当时西藏（不含今昌都地区）共有人口约109万。到20世纪50年代初，西藏人口依然徘徊在100多万，200多年间几乎没有增长。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Since a large proportion of the population were not engaged in economic activity and reproduction, but were used as tools of oppression by the religious power, there was an acute shortage of social resources, and demographic growth had remained stagnant for a long period of time. According to "Tibet" from Annals of Military Events in Qing Dynasty written by Wei Yuan (1794-1851) in the mid-19th century, the Department of Minorities Affairs in 1737 (the second year of Qing Emperor Qianlong's reign) produced a report on the areas under the jurisdiction of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Erdeni, which found that there were more than 316,200 lamas in Tibet, from a regional population (excluding present-day Qamdo) of only 1.09 million. By the early 1950s, the local population still stood around 1 million, having seen hardly any increase in 200 years.

利用宗教加强对社会的控制，是神权政治的突出特点。原国民政府蒙藏委员会驻拉萨办事处官员、20世纪40年代在西藏工作的著名藏学家李有义在回忆文章《西藏，神秘的和不再神秘的》中感叹道：“西藏的农奴遭受着如此残酷的剥削和压迫，他们为什么不起来反抗呢？我也向农奴问过这个问题。不料他们的答复却是‘第，赖哉’，意为这是业果。他们相信今世受苦是前世造了孽，今世受苦才能洗净罪孽，下世就能转生到更好的境界。这就是喇嘛对他们的教导，而藏民是坚信不疑的。”在李有义看来，正是这种思想控制，使“农奴一生一世都是为未来积累功德，贵族用鞭子抽他们，他们还以为是在为他们洗罪呢！”

Using religion to maintain a tight control over society was a prominent feature of theocracy. Li Youyi, an official stationed in Lhasa by the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs of the Nationalist Government, and a Tibetologist who worked in Tibet in the 1940s, lamented the fact in his essay "Tibet, the mysterious and the un-mysterious": "Why didn't the serfs rise up and rebel against such cruel oppression and exploitation in Tibet? I asked them this question, and was shocked by their answer. They said, 'This is the result of karma.' They believed they had done evil in a previous life, and had to suffer in this life in order to wash away their previous sins and reincarnate into a better next life. This was what the lamas preached to them, and what they firmly believed." In the words of Li Youyi, it was such thought control that made the serfs "willing to toil all their life to accumulate merits for the future, and when the aristocrats whipped them, they thought it was helping them wash away their sins."

亲历西藏的英国人查尔斯·贝尔在《十三世达赖喇嘛传》中说：“你下一辈子是人还是猪，难道对你没什么关系吗？达赖喇嘛能保你投胎成人，当大官，或者更好一些——在一个佛教兴盛的国度里当大喇嘛。”他进而指出：“毫无疑问，喇嘛采用了精神恐怖手法以维持他们的影响和将政权继续控制在他们手中。”微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Charles Bell, a Briton who lived in Tibet, wrote in his book Portrait of a Dalai Lama: The Life and Times of the Great Thirteenth, "Does it not matter to you whether you are reborn as a human being or as a pig? The Dalai Lama can help to ensure that you will be reborn as a human being in a high position, or, better still, as a monk or nun in a country where Buddhism flourishes." He firmly believed that the lamas had used spiritual terrorism to maintain their influence and to hold the power in their hands.

——等级森严，践踏人权，封建农奴制在东方的最后堡垒

- Rigid hierarchy and trampling on human rights - the last fortress of feudal serfdom in the East

1959年以前的西藏，仍然保留着封建农奴制。法国旅行家亚历山大·大卫·妮尔1916－1924年间曾先后5次到西藏及其周边地区考察。1953年，她出版了《古老的西藏面对新生的中国》，对旧西藏的农奴制有过这样的描述：“在西藏，所有农民都是终身负债的农奴，在他们中间很难找到一个已经还清了债务的人。”“为了维系生活，农奴不得不借钱、借粮、借牲畜，支付高额利息。然而，来年的收获永远还不完膨胀的利息。”“在毫无办法的情况下，他们只好再借，借口粮，借种子。……如此下去，年复一年，永无完结，直到临死的时候也不能从债务中解脱出来，而这些债务就落到了他儿子的身上，可怜的儿子从刚一开始种田生涯起，就受到这些祖传的债务的压榨，而这些债的起源早已是遥远的过去的事了，他根本不知道这从什么时候说起。”“这些可怜的人们只能永远待在他们贫穷的土地上。他们完全失去了一切人的自由，一年更比一年穷。”

Feudal serfdom dominated Tibet until 1959. The French traveler Alexandra David-Neel visited Tibet and its surrounding areas five times between 1916 and 1924. In 1953, she published Le vieux Tibet face a la Chine nouvelle, in which she described Tibet's serfdom as follows: In Tibet, all the peasants spent their whole lives as debt-laden serfs, and hardly any one of them could be found to have paid off their debts... To survive, the serfs had to borrow money, grain and cattle, and pay high rates of interest. But their harvests were never enough to cover their swelling interest... They had no other option but to borrow again, borrow grains and seeds... So on and so forth, year in and year out, the cycle continued on and on. They would be burdened with debts until the day they died, debts which would be passed on to their sons. From the day they started to toil in the fields, the poor boys would be oppressed by these ancestral debts, of whose origins he knew nothing... The poor could do nothing but toil indefinitely on the barren land, deprived of all freedom as human beings, and becoming poorer with every year that passed.

在封建农奴制下，人被划分为等级。在旧西藏通行了数百年的《十三法典》和《十六法典》，明确将人分成三等九级，将森严的等级制度法律化。法典规定：“人分上中下三等，每一等人又分上中下三级。此上中下三等，系就其血统贵贱职位高低而定”，“人有等级之分，因此命价也有高低”，“上等上级人命价为与尸体等重的黄金”，“下等下级人命价为一根草绳”。

Under the feudal serfdom, there was a rigid hierarchy. The 13-Article Code and the 16-Article Code, which had been practiced for centuries in Tibet, divided people into three classes and nine ranks, enshrining the rigid hierarchy in law. According to these documents, there were three classes by blood and position, each class was further divided into three ranks... As people were divided into different classes and ranks, the value of a life correspondingly differed... The bodies of people of the highest rank of the upper class were literally worth their weight in gold, while the lives of people of the lowest rank of the lower class were only worth a straw rope.

落后的封建农奴制以及政教合一的神权政治，使旧西藏成为一个贫富分化极其悬殊的社会。至20世纪50年代末，占西藏人口不足5%的三大领主及其代理人几乎占有西藏全部耕地、牧场、森林、山川、河流、河滩以及大部分牲畜。据统计，1959年民主改革前，西藏有世袭贵族197家，大贵族25家，其中居前的七八家贵族，每家占有几十个庄园，几万克土地（15克相当于1公顷）。十四世达赖家族占有27座庄园、30个牧场，拥有农牧奴6000多人。十四世达赖本人手上有黄金16万两，白银9500万两，珍宝玉器2万多件，有各种绸缎、珍贵裘皮衣服1万多件。而占西藏人口95%的农奴和奴隶，则一无所有，处境悲惨，毫无人权可言。对这些人，西藏有民谚称：“生命虽由父母所生，身体却为官家占有。纵有生命和身体，却没有做主的权利。”

This backward social structure led to a chasm of wealth in old Tibet. By the late 1950s, the three major stakeholders and their agents, who made up less than 5 percent of the population, owned almost all of the land, pastures, forests, mountains, rivers and flood plains, and most of the livestock. Before Democratic Reform in 1959, there were 197 hereditary aristocratic families, including 25 major ones, the top seven or eight of whom each possessed dozens of manors and over 1,000 hectares of land. The family of the 14th Dalai Lama owned 27 manors, 30 pastures, and over 6,000 serfs. The Dalai Lama alone had 160,000 taels (one tael = 30 grams) of gold, 95 million taels of silver, over 20,000 pieces of jewelry and jade ware, and more than 10,000 pieces of silk clothing and rare furs. Meanwhile the serfs and slaves, who accounted for 95 percent of the population, had nothing and lived a miserable life with no human rights at all. As a Tibetan proverb goes, "Life given by parents, body controlled by officials. Though they have life and body, they are not masters of their own."

——封闭落后，远离现代文明，绝非想象中的“香格里拉”

- Closed, backward and isolated from modern civilization - bearing no resemblance to the "Shangri-la" fantasy

20世纪30年代，英国作家詹姆斯·希尔顿在《消失的地平线》一书中，描绘了梦幻般美妙绝伦的人间乐土——“香格里拉”。此后，追寻“香格里拉”成为许多人的梦想，有人甚至把西藏视为“香格里拉”的原生地。然而，这只是人们的善良愿望，旧西藏根本不存在“香格里拉”。

In the 1930s, British novelist James Hilton in his Lost Horizon depicted an earthly paradise, which he called "Shangri-la." Since then, many have dreamed of searching for this fictional place, and some have even taken Tibet as the prototype. But "Shangri-la" was no more than a fantasy, and there was nothing at all in old Tibet that corresponded to the Utopian images of "Shangri-la."

旧西藏的落后从以下情况可略窥一斑：直至1951年和平解放时，西藏没有一所近代意义上的学校，青壮年文盲率高达95%；没有现代医疗，求神拜佛是大部分人医治疾病的主要办法，人均寿命只有35.5岁；没有一条正规公路，货物运输、邮件传递全靠人背畜驮；仅有一座125千瓦的小电站，且只供十四世达赖及少数特权者使用。

The backwardness of old Tibet can be seen from the following facts: Until its peaceful liberation in 1951, Tibet did not have a single school in the modern sense; its illiteracy rate was as high as 95 percent among the young and the middle-aged; there was no modern medical service, and praying to the Buddha for succor was the main resort for most people if they fell ill; their average life expectancy was 35.5 years; there was not a single standard highway, and all goods and mail had to be delivered by man and beast of burden; and the region's single hydropower station, with a generating capacity of 125 kw, served only the 14th Dalai Lama and a few other privileged people.

亲历旧西藏的中外人士无不被其落后的社会场景所触动，并留下许多身临其境的描述。1945年，李有义在西藏实地考察数月后观察道：“在沿着雅鲁藏布江中下游约1700多英里的旅程中，我所看到的是一派衰败的景象。在每天的旅程中都能看到几处人去楼空的废墟，垄亩痕迹依稀可辨，人烟却已杳杳。我所经过的这种‘鬼镇’何止百处……我出发考察时正是秋收季节。这个季节就是在内地比较落后的农村里，你也可以在农民的脸上看到收获的喜悦。但是在1945年的西藏农村，我却不曾看到一副喜悦的面孔。我所看到的是贵族和‘差领巴’（收租人）对农奴的怒吼和鞭打，我所听到的是农奴的哭泣和叹息声。”微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Those who had visited Tibet in person, whether Chinese or foreign, were all struck by how backward the place was, and many of them have left factual records. Li Youyi recalled, after a field survey of a couple of months in Tibet in 1945, "What I saw on my 1,700-mile journey along the mid-lower reaches of the Yarlung Zangbo was a state of complete decay. Every day I would pass by a number of abandoned houses, and expanses of barren fields with no one tending to them. I saw more than 100 such 'ghost towns'... I set out in the season of autumn harvest. At this time of the year, you would expect to see the joy of harvest on the faces of peasants, even in backward inland areas. But in rural Tibet in 1945, I saw no sign of any happy face. What I saw was the nobility and their rent collectors whipping and yelling at the serfs; what I heard was the weeping and moaning of their victims."

原英国《每日邮报》驻印度记者埃德蒙·坎德勒在1905年出版的《拉萨真面目》中也写道：拉萨“这座城市脏得无法形容，没有下水道，路面也没有铺砌石块。没有一栋房子清洁干净或经常有人打扫。下雨之后，街道就成了一洼洼的死水塘，猪狗则跑到这些地方来寻找废物渣滓”。

In his 1905 book The Unveiling of Lhasa, Edmund Candler, the former British journalist in India working for Daily Mail, recorded details of the old Tibetan society: Lhasa was "squalid and filthy beyond description, undrained and unpaved. Not a single house looked clean or cared for. The streets after rain are nothing but pools of stagnant water frequented by pigs and dogs searching for refuse."

曾任西藏自治区广电厅厅长的杜泰（藏族）回忆说：“当1951年我来到拉萨的时候，这座城市的贫困和破败确实也出乎我的意料。那时候，拉萨除了大昭寺周围的八廓街，几乎没有一条像样的街道，也没有任何公共服务设施，没有路灯，没有供水和排水设备。街头经常看到冻饿而死的人的尸体，还有乞丐、囚犯和成群的狗。大昭寺西面是叫‘鲁布邦仓’的乞丐村，小昭寺周围也是乞丐聚合地。当时乞丐竟有三四千之多，占城市人口的十分之一强。”

In the memory of Dortar, who once served as director of the Radio and Television Department of Tibet Autonomous Region, "When I came to Lhasa in 1951, I was shocked at the shabby and poor conditions. With the exception of the Barkhor near the Jokhang Temple, there was hardly a decent street in town. No public facilities, no streetlights, no water supply and no drainage. What I often did see were the corpses of those frozen to death, in addition to beggars, prisoners and packs of dogs. To the west of the Jokhang was a colony of beggars, and there was another near the Romache. The beggars numbered as many as three to four thousand, or one-tenth of Lhasa's total population."

1950年，原西藏地方政府噶伦、后来担任过中国全国人大常委会副委员长的阿沛·阿旺晋美向噶厦发电反映昌都地区情况时说：“因时世混浊，民不堪命，这里有的宗（相当县）内仅有七、八户还有糌粑，其余全以食元根（即蔓菁）为生，乞丐成群，景象凄凉。”

In a telegraph to the Gaxag (Tibetan name of the local government of Tibet) in 1950, Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme, then a local government Galoin (minister) and later vice chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of China, reported on the conditions in Qamdo: "The people live in dire poverty in this time of turmoil. In some counties roasted barley is to be found in only seven or eight households, and all the rest have to rely on turnips. It is terribly bleak, with hordes of beggars."

大量事实证明，到20世纪中叶，西藏的旧制度已经走到了尽头。阿沛·阿旺晋美曾回忆说：“记得在40年代，我同一些知心朋友曾多次交谈过西藏旧社会（制度）的危机，大家均认为照老样子下去，用不了多久，农奴死光了，贵族也活不成，整个社会就将毁灭。”微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Extensive documentation confirms that the old system in Tibet was doomed by the mid-1950s. Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme recalled: "In the 1940s, I talked more than once with close friends about the crisis of the old society (system) in Tibet. Everyone believed that, if Tibet continued like this, the serfs would all die out in no time, and the nobles would find no escape. Then the whole of Tibet would perish."

20世纪50年代，世界上大多数国家和地区已实现了政教分离，此时的西藏仍然实行着这种落后的制度，严重阻碍着西藏社会的发展进步，使西藏与现代文明渐行渐远。19世纪后，世界许多国家和地区掀起废奴运动，英国、俄国、美国等国纷纷废除奴隶制度。1807年，英国议会通过法令禁止本国船只参与奴隶贩运交易。1861年，俄国皇帝亚历山大二世正式批准了废除农奴制度的“法令”和“宣言”。1862年美国总统林肯发表《解放黑人奴隶宣言》，1865年美国国会通过《宪法第13条修正案》，正式废除奴隶制。1948年，联合国大会通过的《世界人权宣言》规定：任何人不得使为奴隶或奴役；一切形式的奴隶制度和奴隶买卖，均应予以禁止。在农奴制近乎绝迹的20世纪中叶，世界上最大的农奴制堡垒依然盘踞在中国的西藏，这不仅阻碍着中国社会发展进步，也是对人类文明、良知和尊严的羞辱。

By the 1950s, political and religious powers had been separated in most countries and regions throughout the world. But a backward system of theocracy was still practiced in Tibet, hindering the progress of Tibetan society and isolating the region from modern civilization.

Starting in the 19th century, a worldwide campaign to eliminate slavery had spread over many countries and regions. Britain, Russia and the United States were among them. In 1807, the British Parliament adopted an act that forbade British ships to engage in the slave trade. In 1861, the Russian tsar Alexander II formally approved a decree and announcement to eliminate slavery. The following year, US President Lincoln published his Emancipation Proclamation, and in 1865 the US Congress adopted the 13th Amendment to the US Constitution, formally marking the end of slavery. In 1948, the UN Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which stipulates that no one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.

However, in the mid-20th century, when serfdom had nearly disappeared throughout the world, the largest fortress of serfdom was still deep-rooted in China's Tibet. This not only hindered China's social progress, but also represented an affront to human civilization, conscience and dignity.

随着新中国的建立及中国社会的发展进步，在20世纪50年代末60年代初，西藏旧制度被彻底废除。然而，十四世达赖集团却逆历史潮流而动，非但不反思旧西藏政教合一制度的黑暗残暴，反而留恋不舍，梦想着有朝一日把这种制度重新搬回西藏。对此，十四世达赖集团的有关文件有着清楚的记载。1963年制定的《西藏未来民主宪法（草案）》中称：“西藏以佛祖所教诲之佛法精神为基础，建立一个民主统一的国家”。1991年制定的《流亡藏人宪法》规定：“未来西藏的政治是在坚持非暴力原则的基础上建立一个政教合一、自由安定的民主联邦共和国。”1992年制定的《西藏未来政体及宪法要旨》将“政教相辅”规定为未来西藏的政治性质。2011年修订后的《流亡藏人宪法》规定：未来西藏政治是“政教结合”。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

After the People's Republic of China was founded and along with the progress in Chinese society, the old systems in Tibet were completely eradicated around the late 1950s and early 1960s. However, the 14th Dalai Lama and his followers have acted against this historical trend. Instead of acknowledging the ruthlessness and cruelty of theocratic rule, they pine for the old system and dream of resurrecting it in Tibet one day. Relevant statements can be found in their documents.

For instance, their Draft Democratic Constitution for Future Tibet, promulgated in 1963, stated, "Tibet shall be a unitary democratic State founded upon the principles laid down by the Lord Buddha." The Charter of the Tibetans-in-Exile, adopted in 1991, stated, "The future Tibetan polity shall uphold the principle of non-violence and shall endeavor to promote the freedom of the individual and the welfare of the society through the dual system of government based on a Federal Democratic Republic." The Guidelines for Future Tibet's Polity and Basic Features of Its Constitution, promulgated in 1992, defined the nature of future Tibet's polity as being "founded on spiritual values." The Charter of the Tibetans-in-Exile, amended in 2011, stipulated that the future polity of Tibet would be "a combination of political and religious power."

二、新西藏走上了一条正确发展道路

II. New Tibet Follows a Sound Path of Development

1949年中华人民共和国成立后，西藏发生了历史性的转变。1951年，西藏实现和平解放，为彻底将帝国主义势力驱逐出西藏创造了条件。1959年，西藏实行民主改革，一举结束了延续几百年的政教合一的封建农奴制。1965年，西藏自治区成立，社会主义制度建立。1978年后，中国开始改革开放，西藏现代化建设不断取得新成就。进入21世纪以来，西藏的发展驶入快车道，全面建设小康社会不断取得新进展。经过60多年的建设发展，西藏各族人民逐步探索出具有中国特色、西藏特点的发展路子，一个传统与现代交相辉映的新西藏呈现在世人面前。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Tibet has undergone historic changes after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949. The peaceful liberation of Tibet in 1951 made it possible to expel the forces of imperialism from Tibet, and the democratic reform in 1959 brought to an end the feudal theocratic serfdom that had endured, and exerted both religious and political power, for hundreds of years. In 1965, the Tibet Autonomous Region was established, and the socialist system has since prevailed in Tibet. Following the launch of reform and opening up in 1978, the drive for modernization has brought extensive benefits to Tibet as much as to any other part of the country. Especially in the 21st century, Tibet has achieved even faster growth and further progress towards building a moderately prosperous society in an all-round way. Through more than 60 years of development, the people of Tibet have found a path of development that is both characteristically Chinese and suited to the actual prevailing conditions in Tibet. Thus, a new Tibet that is a blend of both the traditional and the modern has appeared.

——新西藏的发展道路，是中华民族大团结之路

- The development path of new Tibet safeguards the unity of the Chinese nation.

近代以来，由于帝国主义的侵略，西藏面临着是统一于中华民族大家庭还是从中华民族大家庭中分裂出去的两种命运。英国殖民者先后于1888年和1904年两次武装侵略西藏，强迫当时的中国清朝（1644－1911年）政府签订不平等条约，取得在西藏的大量特权。清朝灭亡后，英国殖民者积极培植西藏分裂势力，制造“西藏独立”问题。1949年中华人民共和国成立后，西藏上层分裂分子和帝国主义势力加紧策划“西藏独立”，企图把西藏从中国分裂出去。中央人民政府根据西藏的历史和现实情况，决定采取和平解放西藏的方针，坚定维护国家的统一和领土完整。十世班禅等藏族各界爱国人士也纷纷发出解放西藏的呼吁，要求中国人民解放军进驻西藏，维护国家统一。1951年5月23日，中央人民政府和西藏地方政府的代表签订《关于和平解放西藏办法的协议》(以下简称《十七条协议》)，西藏宣告和平解放。十四世达赖于10月24日致电中央政府主席毛泽东，表示：“西藏地方政府及藏族僧俗人民一致拥护，并在毛主席及中央人民政府的领导下积极协助人民解放军进藏部队巩固国防，驱逐帝国主义势力出西藏，保护祖国领土主权的统一。”

Tibet faced two different possible outcomes when the imperialists invaded the plateau in the modern era: unity with or separation from the Chinese nation. British colonialists invaded Tibet twice - in 1888 and 1904 - and forced the Qing court, which ruled China from 1644 to 1911, to sign a couple of unequal treaties that accorded Britain with many privileges in Tibet. When the Qing court was overthrown in 1911, the British began fostering separatist forces in Tibet, trying to engineer "Tibetan independence." No sooner had the People's Republic of China been founded in 1949 than separatists from the upper classes of Tibet were hastening to hatch plots for "Tibetan independence" with imperialist forces, attempting to separate Tibet from the motherland. Based on an assessment of Tibet's history and the prevailing conditions there, the Central People's Government of China decided to follow a principle of peaceful liberation for Tibet so as to safeguard national unity and territorial integrity. Patriots in Tibet, including the 10th Panchen Lama, also called on the central government to liberate and station Chinese People's Liberation Army troops in Tibet to ensure the unity of the country. The peaceful liberation of Tibet was finally achieved when the Agreement of the Central People's Government and the Local Government of Tibet on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet (also known as the "17-Article Agreement") was signed on May 23, 1951. The 14th Dalai Lama sent a telegram to Mao Zedong, chairman of the Central People's Government, which read: "...The local government of Tibet as well as the ecclesiastical and secular people unanimously support this Agreement, and, under the leadership of Chairman Mao and the Central People's Government, will actively assist the PLA troops entering Tibet to consolidate national defense, ousting imperialist influences from Tibet and safeguarding the unification of the territory and the sovereignty of the motherland."

和平解放使西藏摆脱了帝国主义侵略势力的羁绊，宣告了帝国主义制造“西藏独立”图谋的破产，实现了中华民族在新的历史条件下的大团结。和平解放还解决了达赖和班禅相互之间的历史遗留问题，促成了西藏内部的大团结。西藏和平解放后，中国政府逐步废除了外国在西藏长期享有的特权。1954年，中国和印度签订了《关于中国西藏地方和印度之间的通商和交通的协定》，取消了印度继承的英国侵略西藏遗留下来的特权。1956年，中国和尼泊尔签订《中华人民共和国和尼泊尔王国保持友好关系以及关于中国西藏地方和尼泊尔之间的通商和交通协定》，解决了西藏地方与尼泊尔历史上的遗留问题。

The peaceful liberation enabled Tibet to shake off the fetters of imperialism, confounded imperialist designs for an independent Tibet, and realized the unity of the Chinese nation in these new historical circumstances. It also addressed the issue between the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama left over from history, leading to unity within Tibet. After the peaceful liberation, the Chinese government gradually revoked the privileges foreign countries had awarded themselves in Tibet. In 1954, the People's Republic of China and India signed the Agreement on Trade and Intercourse between the Tibet Region of China and India, abolishing the privileges India had inherited from the British invaders. In 1956, China signed with Nepal the Agreement on Maintaining Friendly Relations between the People's Republic of China and the Kingdom of Nepal and on Trade and Intercourse between the Tibet Region of China and Nepal, settling the issue between the local Tibet government and Nepal left over from history.

在此后的半个多世纪里，在中华民族大家庭中，西藏各族人民与全国各族人民同心同德，风雨同舟，建立起平等、团结、互助、和谐的民族关系，藏族与其他民族你中有我、我中有你，谁也离不开谁。在维护国家统一、反对民族分裂的斗争中，西藏各族人民紧密团结在中央政府周围，经受住了各种困难和风险的考验，维护了中华民族的团结和国家统一。在实现中华民族伟大复兴的进程中，西藏各族人民与全国各族人民共享国家发展成果和荣耀。

Over more than half a century since then, the Tibetan people have shared one mind, and in the face of every challenge have stood together with the people of other ethnic groups of the Chinese nation. Together, they have established a harmonious relationship featuring equality, solidarity and interdependence. The people of Tibet have stood firmly with the central government in spite of hardships endured and challenges faced in the struggle against separatist forces in order to safeguard national unity and solidarity, and also to share with the rest of the country the fruits and achievements of development in the course of rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

为帮助西藏摆脱贫穷落后状态，加快发展步伐，中央政府发挥社会主义制度和体制优势，举全国之力支援西藏建设，以优惠的政策和巨大的人力、物力、财力，不断为西藏的发展注入新的动力。60多年来，中央财政不断加大对西藏的财政转移支付力度。1952－2013年，中央政府对西藏的各项财政补助达5446亿元，占西藏地方公共财政支出的95%。1980年以来，中央先后五次召开西藏工作座谈会，从中国社会主义现代化建设全局出发，对西藏的发展建设作出整体规划。从1994年中央第三次西藏工作座谈会开始，中央实施对口支援西藏的政策，安排60个中央国家机关、18个省市和17家中央企业对口支援西藏。20年来，先后有七批5965名优秀干部进藏工作，实施援藏项目7615个，投入援藏资金260亿元，主要用于改善民生和基础设施建设，为西藏经济社会发展作出了重要贡献。2010年中央第五次西藏工作座谈会后，中央政府按照省市财政收入的千分之一核定了17个援藏省市的援助资金量，并建立了稳定增长机制。

In order to help Tibet develop rapidly and get rid of poverty and backwardness, the central government has fully exploited the institutional advantages of the socialist system to pool nationwide strengths to support the construction of Tibet, and a series of preferential policies have been adopted and great financial and material resources as well as manpower have been amassed to inject new impetus to its development. For the past six decades and more, the financial department of the central government has steadily increased transfer payments for Tibet. In the period from 1952 to 2013, the central government provided 544.6 billion yuan to Tibet in financial subsidies, accounting for 95 percent of Tibet's total public financial expenditure. Since 1980, five national symposiums have been called on work in Tibet, working out integrated blueprints for Tibet's development by proceeding from the perspective of the country's overall drive for modernization. Since the Third National Symposium on Work in Tibet in 1994, the central government has put into effect the policy of pairing-up support for Tibet where 60 central state organs, 18 provinces or municipalities directly under the central government, and 17 centrally managed state-owned enterprises have been paired up with and made to provide assistance to specific areas of Tibet. Over the last two decades, a total of 5,965 of China's best officials have been appointed to work in Tibet, 7,615 assistance projects have been carried out, and 26 billion yuan has been invested in Tibet and mainly directed at improving infrastructure and quality of life. All of this assistance has made an enormous contribution to Tibet's social and economic development. After the Fifth National Symposium on Work in Tibet in 2010, the central government determined that the 17 provincial and municipal governments involved in the paired-up support program should provide Tibet with 0.1 percent of their yearly fiscal revenues as aid funds, thus establishing a mechanism to ensure a steady growth in such aiding funds.

——新西藏的发展道路，是人民当家作主之路

- The development path of new Tibet ensures that the people are masters of their own fate.

把农奴主掌权的旧西藏改造为人民当家作主的新西藏，是西藏社会发展的必然要求和西藏各族人民的根本愿望。在中国特色社会主义民主政治框架内，西藏已走上现代民主之路，人民的各项政治权利得到充分尊重和保障。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

The transformation of the old serf-owning Tibet into a new Tibet where the people are masters of their own fate was an essential precondition of Tibet's social development and also a fundamental aspiration of the people of all ethnic groups in Tibet. Within the framework of socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics, Tibet has embarked on a road of modern democracy, and all political rights of the people are fully respected and protected.

在西藏，藏族和门巴族、珞巴族、纳西族、回族、汉族等民族，共同享有平等参与国家事务管理的权利。作为国家根本政治制度的人民代表大会制度，是中国各族人民行使民主权利的主要途径。目前在全国人民代表大会中，西藏自治区有21名代表，其中12名为藏族公民，门巴族、珞巴族虽然人口极少，也分别各有1名代表。人民政协是中国社会主义民主政治的特有形式和独特优势，是中国人民实行协商民主的重要机构。目前在中国人民政治协商会议中，西藏自治区有委员29名，其中藏族和其他少数民族委员有26名。在西藏自治区34244名四级人大代表中，藏族和其他少数民族代表31901名，占93%以上，门巴族、珞巴族、纳西族、回族、壮族等均有自己的代表。西藏自治区十届人大常委会44名组成人员中有藏族和其他少数民族25名，14名常委会主任、副主任中有藏族和其他少数民族8名。基层民主建设不断加强。在西藏，目前95%以上的村建立了村民代表会议制度，选举产生村民自治组织。村务公开、民主管理实现全覆盖，90%以上的村设立公开栏，保障群众的知情权、参与权、决策权、监督权。192个城镇社区全部建立了社区居民代表大会、社区居委会等社区组织，社区居民自治有充分的组织保证。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

In Tibet there are Tibetans, Monbas, Lhobas, Naxi's, Huis, Han's and peoples of some other ethnic groups; they all enjoy the right to equally participate in the administration of state affairs. The system of people's congress, as a basic political system of China, serves as the main channel through which the people exercise their democratic rights. Now, the Tibet Autonomous Region has 21 deputies to the National People's Congress, of whom 12 are Tibetans, and even the Monba and Lhoba ethnic groups, despite their small populations, are each represented by one. The Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) is unique to China's socialist democracy; it is an important platform for the Chinese people to exercise deliberative democracy. At present, Tibet has 29 members on the CPPCC National Committee, including 26 from the Tibetan and other ethnic minorities. Among the 34,244 deputies to the local people's congresses at all four administrative levels in Tibet, 31,901 are from the Tibetan, Monba, Lhoba, Naxi, Hui, Zhuang and other ethnic minorities, accounting for more than 93 percent. The 44-member standing committee of the tenth Tibet regional people's congress has 25 representatives from Tibetan and other ethnic minorities, who occupy eight of the 14 positions of chairpersons or vice-chairpersons. Community-level democracy is also subject to constant enhancement. More than 95 percent of Tibet's villages have established the system of villagers' representative meetings and elected villagers' self-governance organizations. All villages have made their affairs public and exercise democratic management, and more than 90 percent of them have set up billboards to guarantee the rights of the general public to be informed about, to participate in, to make decisions on, and to scrutinize local government. All of Tibet's 192 urban communities have also set up community residents' congresses and community committees, providing a solid organizational mechanism for the self-governance of local urban residents.

中国从国情出发，实行民族区域自治制度。西藏是中国的五个自治区之一。按照《中华人民共和国宪法》和《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》，西藏自治区享有广泛的自治权利，包括立法权、对国家有关法律的变通执行权、使用民族语言文字的权利、人事管理权、财政管理权和自主发展文化教育权等。自1965年以来，西藏自治区人大及其常委会先后制定了290多部地方性法规和具有法规性质的决议、决定，对多项全国性法律制定了适合西藏特点的实施办法。在婚姻制度方面，西藏自治区分别于1981年和2004年制定变通条例，将《中华人民共和国婚姻法》规定的男女法定婚龄分别降低两岁，并规定对执行变通条例之前已经形成的一妻多夫和一夫多妻婚姻关系，凡不主动提出解除婚姻关系者，准予维持。在生育制度方面，根据《西藏自治区计划生育暂行管理办法（试行）》，西藏自治区对汉族干部、职工及家属实行“一对夫妇只生育一个孩子”的政策，而对藏族和纳西族、回族、壮族等民族干部、职工及户口在单位的家属城镇居民，一对夫妇可以有间隔地生育两个孩子，对农牧区的农牧民不限制生育数量，对门巴族、珞巴族以及夏尔巴人、僜人不提倡生育指标。西藏自治区在执行全国性法定假日的基础上，还将“藏历新年”、“雪顿节”等西藏传统节日列入法定节假日。

China's system of regional ethnic autonomy is based on the national conditions. Tibet is one of the five ethnic autonomous regions of China. According to the Constitution and the Law on Regional Ethnic Autonomy of the People's Republic of China, the Tibet Autonomous Region enjoys extensive autonomy in legislation, language, culture and education, and flexible application of relevant state laws as well as fiscal management and official appointments. Since their establishment in 1965, the regional people's congress and its standing committee have passed more than 290 local laws and regulations or resolutions and decisions of a legislative nature, and formulated measures for the flexible application of some state laws in Tibet in order to adapt them to local conditions.

Tibet created alternative regulations in 1981 and 2004, in which the legal age of marriage for both men and women was reduced by two years relative to the Marriage Law of the People's Republic of China, and polyandrous and polygynous relationships that had existed before the regulations took effect would be allowed to continue if no one involved proposed dissolution. Tibet also issued the Interim Measures for Family Planning in Tibet Autonomous Region (Trial). Han Chinese officials and workers and their families are authorized to have only one child per couple; as regards Tibetan, Naxi, Hui and Zhuang officials and workers, and their family members whose hukous (residency registration) are in relevant urban enterprises, are allowed to have two children per couple at reasonable intervals; farmers and herdsmen in farming and pastoral areas are not subject to any restrictions, likewise there are no restrictions on couples from the Monba, Lhoba, Sherpa and Deng ethnic groups.

In addition to the national holidays, Tibet has also established other public holidays, mostly traditional Tibetan festivals such as the Tibetan New Year and Shoton Festival.

《中华人民共和国宪法》规定，国家帮助民族自治地方从当地民族中大量培养各级干部、各种专业人才和技术工人。《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》规定，自治区主席、自治州州长、自治县县长由实行民族区域自治的民族的公民担任；民族自治地方的自治机关所属工作部门的干部中，应当合理配备实行区域自治的民族和其他少数民族的人员。《中华人民共和国公务员法》规定，民族自治地方录取公务员时，要对少数民族考生予以适当照顾。目前，在西藏自治区干部队伍中，藏族和其他少数民族干部占70.95%，其中县乡两级领导班子中，藏族和其他少数民族占70.13%。西藏自治区历届人民代表大会常务委员会主任和人民政府主席由藏族公民担任。在全国高考录取和国家公务员考试中，藏族等少数民族都享受加分政策。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

According to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, the state has the responsibility to help the ethnic autonomous areas train large numbers of officials at various levels, and specialized personnel and skilled workers of various professions and trades from among the ethnic group or groups in those areas. The Law of the People's Republic of China on Regional Ethnic Autonomy stipulates that the chairperson of an autonomous region, the prefect of an autonomous prefecture or the head of an autonomous county is to be a member of the ethnic group exercising regional autonomy in the area concerned; other government posts in the relevant area will be assigned to members of the ethnic group exercising regional autonomy and to other ethnic minorities on a proportional basis. The Civil Servant Law of the People's Republic of China provides that, where there is any employment of civil servants in an autonomous area, applicants from ethnic minorities will be given appropriate preferential treatment. In the current contingent of local officials in Tibet, 70.95 percent are from the Tibetan and other ethnic minorities, and among county and township leaders the proportion is very similar. Since the Tibet Autonomous Region was set up, all the chairpersons of the standing committee of the regional people's congress and of the regional people's government have been elected from the Tibetan ethnic group. Tibetan and other ethnic minority candidates for the national college entrance and civil servant exams enjoy a preferential marking system.

——新西藏的发展道路，是各民族共同繁荣进步之路

- The development path of new Tibet guarantees the common prosperity of all ethnic groups.

几十年来，在中央政府的大力支持和全国各族人民的积极帮助下，经过西藏各族人民的团结奋斗，西藏的发展水平迈上新台阶，各项事业不断取得新成就。

With the full support of the central government and the generous assistance of other ethnic groups from the rest of the country, the people of Tibet have worked together to achieve widespread success.

人民生活水平不断改善。2013年，西藏地区生产总值达到807.67亿元，农牧民人均纯收入达到6578元，城镇居民人均可支配收入达到20023元。西藏绝大多数人口摆脱了延续上千年的贫困，基本达到了小康生活水平。2006年以来实施的农牧民安居工程全面完成，46.03万户、230万农牧民住上了安全适用的房屋。农牧民人均居住面积达30.51平方米，城镇居民人均居住面积达42.81平方米。人口大幅增长，2013年达到312.04万人，人均预期寿命为68.2岁,分别是20世纪50年代初期的三倍和两倍。在国家统计局、中国邮政集团公司和中央电视台联合举办的“CCTV经济生活大调查”中，拉萨市连续5年被评为中国幸福指数最高的城市。

There have been substantial improvements in the quality of life. In 2013, the Gross Regional Product (GRP) of Tibet reached 80.767 billion yuan; the per-capita net income of farmers and herdsmen was 6,578 yuan and the per-capita disposable income of urban dwellers was 20,023 yuan. The overwhelming majority of Tibetans have now shaken off poverty that had dogged them for centuries to enjoy a relatively comfortable life. The low-income housing projects for farmers and herdsmen that were initiated in 2006 have been completed, and a total of 460,300 low-income houses were built, providing safe modern housing to 2.3 million farmers and herdsmen. The average per-capita floor space of farmers and herdsmen was 30.51 sq m, and that of urban dwellers reached 42.81 sq m.

In 2013, the population of Tibet rose to 3.1204 million, and average life expectancy was 68.2 years. These represent a tripling and a doubling of the respective figures from the early 1950s. According to the "CCTV Economic Life Survey" jointly sponsored by the National Bureau of Statistics, China Post Group, and China Central Television (CCTV), Lhasa has topped the "happiness index" for five consecutive years.

教育卫生和社会保障事业全面发展。西藏在全国率先实现学前教育、城乡义务教育和高中阶段教育15年免费教育，小学学龄儿童入学率达99.59%，初中毛入学率达到98.75%，高中阶段毛入学率达到72.23%。人口素质明显提升，基本扫除了青壮年文盲，15周岁以上人口人均受教育年限达到8.1年。基本医疗卫生服务体系基本建立，现有医疗卫生机构6660个（含村卫生室）。以免费医疗为基础的农牧区医疗制度覆盖全体农牧民，政府经费补助标准2014年提高至年人均380元。在全国率先实现城乡居民免费健康体检。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

There has been comprehensive development in Tibet's education, health and social security. The region took the lead in China to provide its residents with a 15-year free education (three-year preschool, six-year primary school, three-year junior middle school and three-year senior middle school); 99.59 percent of school-age children are enrolled at primary level; the gross enrollment rates for junior middle school and senior middle school have reached 98.75 percent and 72.23 percent, respectively. The quality of the population is also improving. Illiteracy has been wiped out among the young and the middle-aged, and the average length of time spent in education for people above the age of 15 has reached 8.1 years. A basic medical and health service system has been established. Tibet now has 6,660 medical and health institutions. Free medical services are now available to all farmers and herdsmen in the autonomous region, with the relevant annual subsidy being raised to 380 yuan per person in 2014. Tibet is the first area in China to provide free physical examinations for urban and rural residents.

现代化水平不断提高。现代工业和基础设施不断发展，建立起包括20多个门类、富有西藏特色的现代工业体系。以水电为主，地热、风能、太阳能等多能互补的新型能源体系全面建成。2013年，电力装机容量128万千瓦，用电人口覆盖率100%。以公路、航空、铁路、管道运输建设为重点的综合交通运输体系逐步完善。2014年，基本实现县县通公路、乡乡通公路，其中62个县通油路，青藏铁路延伸线拉萨至日喀则铁路建成通车。西藏已建成通航机场5个，8家航空公司在藏运营，开通国内航线45条。遍布全区的光缆、卫星和长途电话网全面建成，县以上基本实现3G通信技术全覆盖，基本实现乡乡通宽带、村村通电话。2013年年底，电话普及率达到98.1部/百人，互联网普及率为37.4%。

The drive for modernization continues. Modern industry and infrastructure are improving rapidly. A distinctive modern industrial system has been established that is adapted to the needs and conditions in Tibet and comprises more than 20 industries, in addition to the full development of a new energy system that is based on hydraulic power features complementation of geothermal, wind and solar power as well as other new energy sources. In 2013, the total installed generating capacity reached 1.28 million kw, and 100 percent of the local population was ensured access to electric power supply. A comprehensive transportation system including road, aviation, railway, and pipeline transportation has been gradually developed and improved. In 2014, every county and township now has highway access; 62 of the region's 70 counties are accessible by asphalted roads. The rail link connecting Lhasa and Shigatse - an extension to the Qinghai-Tibet Railway - is now in service. Tibet has now five airports served by eight airlines; and 45 domestic air routes link Tibet with other parts of China. A network of optical cable, satellite and long-distance telephone lines has been established in the region, and all places above county level now have 3G coverage. Every township has broadband service and every village has telephone services. By the end of 2013, the penetration rates of telephones and Internet stood at 98.1 percent and 37.4 percent, respectively.

对外开放水平不断提高。西藏经济逐步由封闭型向开放型、由供给型向经营型转变，发展步伐基本上与全国同步。目前，西藏已经融入全国统一的市场体系，来自全国和世界各地的商品源源不断地进入西藏，西藏特色商品也大量进入全国乃至世界市场。2013年，全区进出口总额为33.19亿美元，赴藏旅游人数达到1291万人次，其中境外游客22万人次。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Tibet is becoming increasingly open to the outside world. Keeping abreast with other parts of China, Tibet has gradually evolved from being a closed type to being one that is open and market-oriented. Tibet has been fully incorporated into the national market system. While products from all over the nation and across the world flow into Tibet, the region's own characteristic products also move in large quantities to other parts of the country and further afield. In 2013, the total value of Tibet's foreign trade reached 3.319 billion U.S. dollars; and the region hosted 12.91 million tourists, including 220,000 from overseas.

——新西藏的发展道路，是西藏优秀传统文化得到传承和弘扬之路

 - The development path of new Tibet facilitates the inheritance and spread of the positive aspects of traditional Tibetan culture.

藏语言文字得到有效保护。西藏自治区分别于1987年、1988年、2002年通过立法，将学习、使用和发展藏语言文字工作纳入法制化轨道。教育系统推行以藏语文授课为主的双语教学体系，所有农牧区和部分城镇小学实行藏汉语文同步教学，主要课程用藏语授课。中学阶段也同时用藏语文和汉语文授课，并在内地西藏班中学开设藏语文课。在普通高等学校招生入学考试中可以使用藏语文答卷。藏文字符计算机编码通过国家标准和国际标准，藏文编辑系统、激光照排系统、电子出版系统得到广泛应用。藏语文在政治生活中得到广泛应用。各级人民代表大会通过的决议、法规，西藏各级人民政府及所属部门发布的正式文件和公告都使用藏、汉两种文字。在司法诉讼程序中，对藏族诉讼参与人都使用藏语文审理案件，法律文书也使用藏文。国家在保护和发展藏语言文字的同时，也在包括西藏自治区在内的全国各地公民中推广、学习和使用国家通用语言文字，促进各民族、各地区经济文化交流。

Tibet has succeeded in preserving the spoken and written Tibetan language. The region enacted three provisions in 1987, 1988 and 2002, respectively, to provide a solid legal base for the study, use and development of the Tibetan language and script. Bilingual education, with Tibetan as the principal language, is widespread in Tibet. Primary schools in all farming and pastoral areas and some urban areas use both Tibetan and Chinese in teaching, but mostly Tibetan for the major courses. Middle schools also use both languages, and Tibetan classes in middle schools in inland areas also have Tibetan language course. In the national college entrance exams, it is permissible to answer questions using Tibetan script. Computer coding of Tibetan characters has reached national and international standards. Editing, laser phototypesetting and electronic publishing in Tibetan are extensively adopted. Tibetan is widely used in political life. Resolutions, laws and regulations adopted at people's congresses at all levels, and official documents and declarations published by people's governments at various levels and their subsidiary departments in Tibet are published in both Tibetan and Chinese. In judicial proceedings, Tibetan is used to try cases involving litigants from the Tibetan group and for the relevant legal documents. While preserving and developing the Tibetan language, the state also popularizes standard Chinese throughout the country, including Tibet, so as to promote economic and cultural exchanges between ethnic groups and regions.

优秀传统文化得到保护和传承。西藏自治区制定《西藏自治区文物保护管理条例》、《西藏自治区人民政府关于加强文物保护的布告》等，加强文物保护。现有各类文物点4277处，国家重点文物保护单位55处，自治区级文物保护单位391处，市县级文物保护单位978处，国家历史文化名城3座。布达拉宫、罗布林卡、大昭寺被列入世界文化遗产名录，拉萨、日喀则、江孜被列为国家级历史文化名城，西藏博物馆被列为国家一级博物馆，西藏档案馆收藏有300多万件重要历史档案。现有国家级非物质文化遗产名录76处，自治区级323项，地市级76项，县级814项。国家级非遗代表性传承人68名，自治区级350名，民间藏戏队117支。格萨尔、藏戏被列入人类非物质文化遗产代表作名录。现代公共文化日益普及，广播电视综合覆盖率分别达到94.38%、95.51%。西藏所有行政村都有农家书屋、所有藏传佛教寺庙都有寺庙书屋。2011年，西藏设立文化产业发展专项资金，扶持西藏文化产业发展。

The outstanding traditional Tibetan culture has been preserved and handed down. Tibet has issued the Regulations of the Tibet Autonomous Region on the Protection of Cultural Relics, and issued the Notice of the Tibet Autonomous Region People's Government on Strengthening the Protection of Cultural Relics, in addition to the enactment of various other relevant laws and regulations. Currently, Tibet has 4,277 cultural relic sites, including 55 key cultural heritage sites under state protection, 391 under regional protection, and 978 under city- or county-level protection, as well as three state-level historical and cultural cities (Lhasa, Shigatse and Gyangtse). The Potala Palace, the Norbulingka and Jokhang Temple are on the World Heritage List. Tibet Museum is a national A-class museum. The Tibet Archives boasts a collection of more than 3 million documents of historic importance. Tibet has 76 items listed as state-class intangible cultural heritage items, 323 as regional ones, 76 as city-level ones, and 814 as county-level ones, in addition to 68 representative trustees of such cultural items at the national level and 350 at the regional level. There are 117 Tibetan opera troupes. Tibetan opera and the Gesar epic are included in UNESCO's Masterpieces of the Intangible Heritage of Humanity. Modern public cultural services also extend across an ever-widening area; radio and TV coverage has reached 94.38 percent and 95.51 percent, respectively. Every administrative village or Buddhist temple in Tibet now boasts a library appropriate to its needs. In 2011, Tibet set up a special fund to support the development of cultural industries.

公民宗教信仰自由权利得到保障。西藏自治区存在藏传佛教、苯教、伊斯兰教和天主教等多种宗教，在藏传佛教内部还存在宁玛、噶举、萨迦、格鲁等不同教派。各民族宗教信仰自由权利受到宪法和法律的保护。各种宗教、各个教派都平等地得到尊重和保护，实现了真正的宗教宽容。任何国家机关、社会团体和个人不得强制公民信仰宗教或者不信仰宗教，不得歧视信仰宗教的公民和不信仰宗教的公民。西藏现有各类宗教活动场所1787座，住寺僧尼4.6万余人，活佛358名；清真寺4座，伊斯兰教信徒3000余人；天主教堂1座，信徒700余人。寺庙学经、辩经、晋升学位、受戒、灌顶、诵经、修行等传统宗教活动正常进行，每逢重大宗教节日都循例举行各种活动。信教群众家中普遍设有经堂或佛龛，转经、朝佛、请寺庙僧尼做法事等宗教活动正常进行。活佛转世作为藏传佛教特有的传承方式得到国家的尊重。1995年，西藏自治区按照宗教仪轨和历史定制，经过金瓶掣签，报国务院批准，完成了第十世班禅转世灵童的寻访、认定以及第十一世班禅的册立和坐床。2007年，国家宗教事务局通过《藏传佛教活佛转世管理办法》，进一步规范了活佛转世。民主改革以来，已有60余名新转世活佛按历史定制和宗教仪轨得到批准认定。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Citizens enjoy full freedom of religious belief. In Tibet, Tibetan Buddhism, Bon, Islam, and Catholicism coexist with a number of other religions, and within Tibetan Buddhism there are different sects such as Nyingma, Kagyu, Sakya and Gelug. The freedom of religious belief of various ethnic groups is respected and protected by the Constitution and the laws, with all religions and sects being treated equally. This equates to true religious tolerance. No state organ, public organization or individual may compel citizens to believe in, or disbelieve in, any religion, nor may they discriminate against citizens who believe in, or do not believe in, any religion. Currently, Tibet has 1,787 sites for different religious activities, over 46,000 resident monks and nuns, and 358 Living Buddhas; there are four mosques and over 3,000 Muslims, and one Catholic church and 700 believers. Traditional religious activities such as learning the scriptures and debate, promotion through degrees, initiation as a monk or nun, abhisheka (empowerment ceremony), sutra chanting, and self-cultivation are held on a regular basis, while ceremonial activities are also held at important religious festivals in accordance with conventions. Ordinary believers usually have a scripture hall or a Buddha shrine at home, and such religious activities as circumambulation while reciting scriptures, Buddha worship, and inviting lamas or nuns from monasteries to hold religious rites are normally practiced.

Living Buddha reincarnation is a succession system unique to Tibetan Buddhism and is respected by the state. Through traditional religious rituals and historical conventions like drawing lots from a golden urn, the Tibet Autonomous Region searched for and identified the reincarnation of the 10th Panchen Lama, and conferred and enthroned the 11th Panchen Lama with the approval of the State Council in 1995. The State Administration for Religious Affairs issued the Measures on the Management of the Reincarnation of Living Buddhas of Tibetan Buddhism in 2007 to further institutionalize the reincarnation process of Living Buddhas. Since democratic reform in Tibet, over 60 incarnated Living Buddhas have been confirmed through historical conventions and traditional religious rituals.

——新西藏的发展道路，是可持续发展之路

- The development path of new Tibet is sustainable.

西藏是国家重要的生态安全屏障，对亚洲乃至世界都有着重要意义。多年来，西藏在发展过程中，始终遵循经济规律、社会规律和自然规律，不以牺牲自然环境为代价，注重经济、社会、生态的和谐统一，走可持续发展之路。中央政府坚持以人为本的科学发展观，把环境保护放在突出位置，作为发展的重要选项。西藏自治区政府提出了建设西藏生态安全屏障以及建设生态西藏、美丽西藏的战略目标，努力探索高原环境下实现西藏可持续发展的新路子。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Serving as the important ecological safety barrier in China, Tibet's role is significant not only in Asia but on a global level. In recent decades, in keeping with economic, social and natural laws, Tibet has avoided development at the expense of the natural environment. Instead it has followed a sustainable path compatible with the harmonious coexistence of economy, society, and ecological environment. Guided by the Scientific Outlook on Development, the central government lays great emphasis on environmental protection, deeming it as an important part of development. Aiming at the strategic objectives of building the ecological safety barrier as well as ecological and beautiful Tibet, the regional government strives to establish and follow a new sustainable pattern of development on the Tibet plateau.

多年来，中央和西藏自治区编制实施了一系列生态环境保护与建设规划，对西藏的生态环境保护与建设进行全面规划与部署。中国政府在1998年和2000年制定的《全国生态环境建设规划》和《全国生态环境保护纲要》中，将青藏高原冻融区作为全国八大生态建设区之一，进行专门规划，建立保护措施。2009年，中国政府通过《西藏生态安全屏障保护与建设规划（2008－2030年）》，计划投资158亿元，争取到2030年基本建成西藏生态安全屏障。西藏自治区编制实施了《生态环境建设规划》、《水土保护规划》、《农牧区环境综合整治规划》、《生态功能区规划》等一系列生态环境保护与建设规划，并加大通过立法保护生态环境力度，近年来修订了《西藏自治区环境保护条例》，出台了《西藏自治区生态环境保护监督管理办法》等规章。

Over the years, both central and regional governments have devised and implemented a series of plans for ecological conservation in Tibet to make overall planning for eco-environmental protection and economic construction of the region. In the National Plan for Eco-environmental Improvement and the National Program for Eco-environmental Protection, formulated by the government in 1998 and 2000 respectively, a separate plan with specific protection measures was drawn up to make the freeze-thawing zone on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau one of the country's eight major areas for ecological improvement. In 2009, the national government approved the Plan for Ecology Safety Barrier Protection and Improvement in Tibet (2008-2030), aiming to complete the Tibet ecology safety barrier by 2030 with an investment of RMB 15.8 billion. The Tibet Autonomous Region has also worked out and implemented a series of plans for eco-environmental protection and construction, including the Eco-environmental Improvement Plan, Plan for Water and Topsoil Conservation, Comprehensive Improvement Plan for the Environment in Farming and Pastoral Areas, and Ecological Function Zoning. Tibet has also further intensified efforts in eco-environmental protection by way of legislation, such as amending the Regulations of the Tibet Autonomous Region for Environmental Protection, and issuing the Methods of the Tibet Autonomous Region on Oversight and Management of Eco-environmental Protection.

国家和自治区地方政府采取了严格的环境保护措施。实施天然林保护工程、退耕还林、退牧还草工程和天然草地保护与建设、游牧民定居、人工种草、草场改良等草地生态环境建设项目；启动了国家森林生态效益补偿基金，开展了防沙治沙、水土流失和小流域综合治理及地质灾害防治工作。坚持慎重发展工业的原则，严格限制高能耗、高污染、高排放行业在区内发展，推广使用清洁能源，努力减少温室气体排放。多年来，中央政府和西藏自治区政府采取严格措施，严禁矿产资源开发。2013年，政府进一步严格环境准入，新颁布实施生态环境保护监督管理办法、矿产资源勘查开发监督管理办法和环境保护考核办法，特别是实行了矿产资源勘查开发自治区政府统一管理和环境保护一票否决制。

Both the central and regional governments have adopted quite a number of strict measures for environmental protection. Projects have been carried out to protect natural forests, to reforest cultivated land, and to restore grassland by prohibiting grazing, as have grassland ecological environment improving programs like conservation and recovery of natural grassland, settlement of nomads, man-made grassland, and deteriorated pastureland improvement. A national fund was launched to compensate costs of public forest management. Efforts are being made in the areas of desertification control, water and soil conservation, comprehensive control of the drainage basins of small rivers, and prevention of geological disasters. Tibet's regional government is very prudent in developing industry, imposing strict constraints on industries that are heavy consumers of energy, and those which cause severe pollution or issue heavy emissions. It advocates the use of clean energy, and endeavors to reduce the emission of greenhouse gases. The central and regional governments have adopted strict measures to prohibit exploitation of mineral resources. In 2013, the Tibetan government issued and began implementing regulations on supervising eco-environmental protection, regulations on supervising the exploration and exploitation of mineral resources, and measures on evaluating environmental conservation, further controlling the access to mineral development licenses through stricter environmental standards. The autonomous region has brought exploration and exploitation of mineral resources under its unified management, and vetoes any project that fails to meet the environment standards.

在各方面的共同努力下，西藏的生态文明建设取得明显成效。目前，西藏的自然保护区面积达到41.37万平方公里，占全区国土面积的33.9%，居全国之首；森林覆盖率达11.91%，活林木总蓄积量居全国首位；各类湿地面积600多万公顷，居全国首位。125种国家重点保护野生动物、39种国家重点保护野生植物在自然保护区得到很好保护。截至2012年年底，西藏有天然草地面积8511万公顷，其中可用天然草地面积6910万公顷。目前，西藏仍是世界上环境质量最好的地区之一，大部分区域处于原生状态。

Thanks to concerted efforts made by all parties concerned, great progress has been made in Tibet's ecological improvement. Currently, its nature reserves, which amount to 413,700 sq km, or 33.9 percent of the total land area of the region, lead the whole country. Its forest coverage rate reaches as high as 11.91 percent, and the region tops the whole country in total growing wood stock. Tibet boasts 6 million ha of wetlands, leading all the other areas of China. All the region's 125 species of wild animals and 39 wild plants under state protection are well cared for in the established nature reserves. By the end of 2012, Tibet had 85.11 million ha of natural grassland in total, of which 69.1 million ha was available for grazing. Tibet remains one of the areas with the best environmental quality in the world, with most parts of the region maintaining their original natural state.

三、“中间道路”的实质是分裂中国

III. The Essential Intent of the "Middle Way" Is to Split China

经过西藏各族人民长达半个多世纪的团结奋斗，西藏已经走上一条符合时代发展要求和人民根本利益的发展道路，取得了举世瞩目的发展成就。但是，十四世达赖集团出于“西藏独立”的政治目的，不仅从来对西藏的发展进步视而不见，而且还极力抹杀西藏各族人民的奋斗成果，试图否定西藏走上的正确道路。

Following more than half-a-century's concerted efforts of the peoples of all its ethnic groups, Tibet has embarked on a path of development conforming to the times and the people's fundamental interests, and made tremendous strides forward. However, in their pursuit of "Tibetan independence," the 14th Dalai Lama and his supporters have always turned a blind eye to Tibet's development and progress, denying the achievements made by the people of Tibet and rejecting the sound path that Tibet has taken.

多年来，十四世达赖集团的“藏独”策略一直在不断变化。1959年3月，十四世达赖集团发动全面武装叛乱、失败逃往印度后，公开主张以暴力为手段实现“西藏独立”。20世纪70年代末之后，随着中美关系缓和，十四世达赖集团看到国际形势于其不利，开始变换策略，提出所谓“中间道路”，由公开独立转为变相独立。1989年苏东剧变后，十四世达赖集团错误地判断形势，以为实现“西藏独立”的时机到来，又提出实现“完全独立”。1994年之后，十四世达赖集团发现“西藏独立”无望，再次变换口径，重新捡起“中间道路”招牌，要求所谓“高度自治”。近年来，十四世达赖集团加大了对“中间道路”的鼓吹力度，并加紧进行包装。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Over the course of the years, the Dalai group has kept modifying its tactics for "Tibetan independence." In March 1959, it fled to India after they failed in an all-out armed revolt that they launched; subsequently it began to publicly advocate "Tibetan independence" and tried to achieve it by force. In the late 1970s, when relations between China and the US improved, the Dalai group, finding that the international situation was unfavorable to it, started to alter its tactics, shifting its attempts from achieving open independence to achieving disguised independence by cloaking them with what is called the "middle way." After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe in 1989, it again misread the situation and believed that the time was right, it began to demand "complete independence" once again. After 1994, having realized that there was no possibility of achieving this goal, it turned again to the "middle way" and began to lobby for what it now termed "a high degree of autonomy." In recent years, it has intensified its efforts to promote this "middle way" and to disguise it.

“中间道路”，又称“中观道路”，本属佛教用语，十四世达赖集团却将其政治化。纵观“中间道路”，其核心有五条：一是不承认西藏自古是中国的一部分，宣称“西藏历史上是一个完全独立的国家”，“1951年被中国占领”，“从历史上看，藏人有独立的权利”。二是图谋建立历史上从来不存在的“大藏区”，宣称“西藏问题”是600万藏人的问题，要将西藏、四川、云南、甘肃和青海等藏族及其他民族聚居区合并在一起，建立统一的行政区。三是要求实行不受中央约束的“高度自治”，不承认中央政府的领导和西藏现行的社会政治制度，宣称建立“自治政府”，“除外交和国防，其他所有事务都由藏人（即十四世达赖集团）负责，并负有全权”。四是反对中央在西藏驻军，表面上认可中央负责国防，但又提出中国军队“全部撤出去”，把西藏变成“国际和平区”。五是无视青藏高原自古多民族杂居共处的事实，限制其他民族进入“大藏区”，驱赶在青藏高原世代居住的其他民族。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

The "middle way," also known as the "way of meditation on the mean," is a Buddhist term. It is the Dalai group which has politicized it. Its claims can be summarized into five major points.

First, it denies the fact that Tibet has been an integral part of China since ancient times; instead it claims that Tibet was "an independent state" which was "occupied by China in 1951," and that "Tibetans have the right to independence from a historic perspective." Second, it seeks to establish a "Greater Tibet" that has never existed at any time in history, claiming that the "Tibet issue" concerns 6 million Tibetans and that Tibet, Sichuan, Yunnan, Gansu, Qinghai and other areas that Tibetans and people of other ethnic minorities inhabit in compact communities should be incorporated into a unified administrative region. Third, it demands "a high degree of autonomy" that is not subject to any constraint whatsoever from the central government, denies the leadership of the central government and Tibet's present social and political systems, and proposes to establish an "autonomous government" under which "Tibetans" (in truth the Dalai party) take full charge of all affairs other than diplomacy and national defense. Fourth, it opposes the central government to garrison troops in Tibet and, despite its superficial agreement that the central government holds the authority over national defense, it demands that the central government "withdraws all Chinese troops" to turn Tibet into an "international zone of peace." And fifth, in total disregard of the fact that the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau has been a multi-ethnic region since ancient times, it denies the access of other ethnic groups to "Greater Tibet" and drives them out of regions where they have lived for generations.

“中间道路”以表面上承认中国对西藏的“主权”换取十四世达赖集团对西藏的“治权”，建立由他们控制的“半独立”政治实体；待“治权”巩固后再谋求“主权”，最终实现“西藏独立”。“中间道路”作为分步实现“西藏独立”的政治纲领，既不符合中国的历史、现实、宪法、法律、基本制度，也不符合西藏的历史、现实和民族关系，更有违包括藏族人民在内的全中国人民的根本利益。

Under the "middle way," the Dalai group feigns acceptance of China's sovereignty in Tibet to seize the reins of power and set up a semi-independent political regime under the control of the "Tibetan independence" forces, and ultimately seek full sovereignty and achieve "Tibetan independence" when its governing power is consolidated.

As a political strategy for achieving independence through a series of steps, the "middle way" does not tally with China's history, national reality, state Constitution, laws and basic systems. Neither does it conform to Tibet's history, reality and ethnic relations. Moreover, it runs counter to the fundamental interests of all the people of China, including the Tibetans.

——西藏自古就是中国的一部分，从来不是独立国家

- Tibet has been an integral part of China since ancient times, and has never been an independent nation.

西藏自古就是中国的一部分，藏族是中国境内具有悠久历史的民族之一，为中华民族命运共同体的形成与发展作出了贡献。大量考古、历史研究表明，在中国境内，藏族与汉族和其他民族自古就有血缘、语言和文化等方面的密切联系，西藏地方与中国内地在长期的历史发展中从来没有中断过经济、政治、文化往来。公元7世纪在西藏发展起来的吐蕃政权，是中国历史上的一个地方政权，为开发中国西南边疆作出了重要贡献。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Tibet has been an integral part of China since ancient times, and, as one of the centuries-old ethnic groups in China, the Tibetans have made important contributions to the formation and evolution of the Chinese nation - a single family sharing a common destiny. Archaeological and historical research shows that since ancient times the Tibetan people have been closely connected with the Han and other ethnic groups in such aspects as consanguinity, language, culture and others, and that there has never been a break in economic, political and cultural exchanges between Tibet and the rest of China. The Tubo regime established in Tibet in the seventh century was a local government of ancient China, which made an important contribution to developing China's southwest frontier.

中国古代正式将西藏地方纳入中央政府行政管辖之下，是在元朝（1271－1368年）。元朝设立释教总制院和宣政院，直接管理西藏地区军政、宗教事务，在西藏清查民户、设置驿站、征收赋税、驻扎军队、任命官员，并将元朝刑法、历法颁行西藏，充分行使有效管辖。明朝（1368－1644年）时，在西藏实施多封众建，给西藏各地宗教领袖封以“法王”、“灌顶国师”等名号。同时，西藏地方王位的继承必须经皇帝批准，遣使册封，新王方可继位。清朝（1644－1911年）时，中央政府先后册封藏传佛教格鲁派首领五世达赖和五世班禅，正式确立达赖喇嘛与班禅额尔德尼的封号和政治、宗教地位。此后，历世达赖、班禅均由中央政府册封，遂成定制。从1727年开始，清朝设驻藏大臣，代表中央监督、管理西藏地方行政，先后派遣驻藏大臣百余人。1751年，清朝废除世俗郡王掌政制度，正式任命七世达赖掌管西藏地方政府，实行政教合一，设立由四位噶伦组成的噶厦，听命于驻藏大臣和达赖喇嘛。1774年，当英国东印度公司派人到扎什伦布寺企图与西藏直接建立联系时，六世班禅答复说，西藏属于中国领土，一切要听从中国大皇帝的圣旨办事。1793年，清朝颁布《钦定藏内善后章程二十九条》，完善中央政府治理西藏地方的多项制度，明确规定达赖等大活佛转世须经金瓶掣签认定，并报请中央政府批准。此后，十、十一、十二世达赖和八、九、十一世班禅都经金瓶掣签认定。十三、十四世达赖和十世班禅都是报经中央政府批准免于金瓶掣签认定的。

It was during the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368) that China's central government formally incorporated Tibet into the central administration. The Yuan government set up the Supreme Control Commission of Buddhism and Commission for Buddhist and Tibetan Affairs to directly administer local military, political and religious affairs, conduct censuses in Tibet, set up courier stations, collect taxes, station troops and appoint officials; it also issued and enacted the Yuan criminal law and calendar in Tibet to fully exercise effective administration. The Ming government (1368-1644) implemented a policy of multiple enfeoffment, conferring "prince of Dharma," "national master in Tantrism" and other honorific titles upon religious leaders in various parts of Tibet. Succession to such titles required the approval of the emperor, who would send an envoy to confer the official title on each new prince.

During the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911), the central government granted honorific titles to the leaders of the Gelug school of Tibetan Buddhism - the 5th Dalai Lama and the 5th Panchen Lama - officially establishing the titles of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Erdeni and their political and religious status in Tibet. From then on, it became an established convention that the central government conferred the titles of Dalai Lama and Panchen Erdeni.

From 1727, the Qing government started to station grand ministers resident in Tibet to supervise and manage local administration on behalf of the central authorities; in total it appointed more than 100 such grand ministers resident in Tibet. In 1751, the Qing government abolished the system under which the secular princes held power, and formally appointed the 7th Dalai Lama to administer the local government of Tibet, thus establishing theocracy there, and it set up the Kashag (cabinet) composed of four Kalons (ministers) that took orders from the grand ministers resident in Tibet and the Dalai Lama. In 1774, when the British East India Company sent a representative to Tashilhunpo in an attempt to build a direct relationship with Tibet, the 6th Panchen replied that Tibet was part of China's territory and all its affairs were handled in accordance with imperial edicts from the Chinese emperor. In 1793, the Qing government promulgated the Imperially Approved Ordinance for Better Governance of Tibet (29-Article), improving several systems by which the central government administered Tibet. The Ordinance clearly stipulated that the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama and other Living Buddhas had to follow the procedure of "drawing lots from the golden urn," and the selected candidate would be subject to approval by the central authorities of China. Observing the Ordinance, the 10th, 11th and 12th Dalai Lamas and the 8th, 9th and 11th Panchen Lamas were selected in this way, but 13th and 14th Dalai Lamas and the 10th Panchen Lama did not go through the procedure of "drawing lots from the golden urn" with approval from the central authorities.

中华民国（1912－1949年）继承了历史上形成的中央政府对西藏的主权，继续对西藏实施主权管辖。清朝最后一位皇帝在1912年的《清帝逊位诏书》中宣布“将统治权归诸全国，定为共和立宪国体”，“仍合满、汉、蒙、回、藏五族完全领土，为一大中华民国”。1912年制定的《中华民国临时约法》和1931年制定的《中华民国训政时期约法》，均明确规定西藏是中华民国领土。1929年，南京国民政府设立蒙藏委员会，行使对西藏的行政管辖。1940年，国民政府在拉萨设立蒙藏委员会驻藏办事处，作为中央政府在西藏地方的常设机构。十四世达赖和十世班禅的认定、坐床，均经当时的中华民国政府批准。虽然民国时期军阀混战，内乱频仍，国家孱弱，但中央政府仍在十分艰难的条件下维护了国家在西藏的主权。

The Republic of China (1912-1949) continued the central government's sovereignty over Tibet and maintained its sovereignty and jurisdiction there. The last Qing emperor Puyi declared in 1912 in the Edict on Qing Emperor's Abdication, "I will return sovereignty to the whole nation and establish it as a constitutional republic," and "Manchu, Han, Mongol, Hui and Tibetan ethnic groups will enjoy territorial integrity in this great Republic." The Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China in 1912 and the General Outline of the Constitution for the Political Tutelage Period of the Republic of China in 1931 both stipulated that Tibet was a part of the territory of the Republic of China. In 1929, the Provisional Government of the Republic of China in Nanjing established a Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs to exercise administrative jurisdiction over Tibet. In 1940, the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs opened an office in Lhasa as a permanent establishment of the central government in Tibet. The identification and enthronement of the 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama were both done with approval from the government of the Republic of China. In the years of the Republic of China, the central government did its utmost to safeguard the nation's sovereignty over Tibet though hamstrung by constant civil conflicts among warlords and the intrinsic weakness of the nation.

中华人民共和国成立后，结束全国割据状态，在新的历史条件下实现国家统一成为历史发展的必然。和平解放西藏、人民解放军进驻西藏，是中国中央政府在中央政权更替后行使国家主权、维护国家统一、捍卫国家领土完整的正义之举。中央政府和原西藏地方政府签订的《十七条协议》，正是在尊重和确认西藏是中国一部分的历史事实的基础上产生的国内约法。和平解放后，西藏逐步走上社会主义道路，西藏各族人民与全国各族人民一道共同推动国家发展进步。

After the People's Republic of China was founded, it became its historic duty to bring an end to national separation and realize national unification under new historical conditions. The peaceful liberation of Tibet and the stationing of the People's Liberation Army in Tibet were two right steps taken by the central government of China in exercising national sovereignty and safeguarding national unification and territorial integrity after a wholesale regime change. The 17-Article Agreement signed in 1951 between the central government and the local government of Tibet was a domestic agreement reached on the basis of respecting and accepting the historical fact that Tibet is part of China. After its peaceful liberation, Tibet had gradually embarked on the socialist path, and the people of Tibet have worked with people of other ethnic groups around the country towards China's progress and development.

历史事实充分说明，西藏自古以来就是中国的一部分，从来不是一个独立国家。在当今世界，各国普遍承认西藏是中国的一部分，没有一个国家承认过“西藏独立”，根本不存在西藏“政治地位”问题。十四世达赖自1959年因抵制废奴改革而叛逃国外后，根本无权代表西藏人民，更无权决定西藏的前途命运。所谓“流亡政府”更是一个从事分裂中国活动的非法政治组织，毫无合法性，在国际上也没有任何一个国家承认。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

History demonstrates clearly that Tibet has been part of China since ancient times, and it has never been an independent nation. In today's world, all countries acknowledge this as a fact; no country has ever acknowledged "Tibetan independence." There is no question about Tibet's political status. After 1959, when he opposed the reform measure abolishing serfdom and defected abroad, the 14th Dalai Lama has no authority whatsoever to represent the people of Tibet, nor has he the right to decide the future and destiny of Tibet. The self-styled "government-in-exile" is an illegitimate political organization engaged in secessionist activities, and no country around the world acknowledges it.

——“大藏区”纯属虚构，不符合中国历史和国情

- "Greater Tibet" is sheer fantasy, and does not conform to China's history and national conditions.

十四世达赖集团在兜售其“中间道路”主张时，总是津津乐道所谓的“大藏区”。按照十四世达赖集团的假想，“大藏区”在范围上北至新疆南部和河西走廊，东至甘肃中部和四川中部，南至云南中部，囊括了西藏自治区和青海省的全部、四川省的二分之一、甘肃省的二分之一、云南省的四分之一以及新疆维吾尔自治区南部，总面积超过中国国土面积的四分之一。

Talking about the "middle-way" approach by the 14th Dalai Lama and his followers is invariably accompanied by references to "Greater Tibet." In their hypothesis, this "Greater Tibet" extends to southern Xinjiang and the Hexi Corridor in the north, central Gansu and central Sichuan in the east, and to central Yunnan in the south, covering all of the Tibet Autonomous Region and Qinghai Province, half of Sichuan Province, half of Gansu Province, a quarter of Yunnan Province, and the southern part of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. In total, this represents an area larger than one quarter of China's total territory.

“大藏区”在中国行政区划历史上毫无根据。当代中国的行政区划是在漫长的历史进程中形成的。在唐朝（618－907年），吐蕃政权是由吐蕃人联合居住在青藏高原及周边地区的各个民族、部落共同组成的多民族政权。吐蕃政权灭亡以后，居住在青藏高原地区的吐蕃人和其他各民族杂居相处，并无统一政权。元朝时期，在西藏地方设立乌思藏纳里速古鲁孙三路都元帅府（即乌思藏宣慰司）来管理西藏地方，而在其他藏族聚居区分别设立吐蕃等路宣慰使司都元帅府（即朵甘思宣慰司）和吐蕃等处宣慰使司都元帅府（即脱思麻宣慰司）。以上三路宣慰司统属于中央管理机构宣政院（初为总制院）。明朝时期，在西藏设立乌思藏卫指挥使司和俄力思军民元帅府，后升级为乌思藏行都指挥使司。在朵甘思地区则设有朵甘指挥使司（后升为朵甘行都指挥使司）。清朝雍正四年（1726年），针对西藏地方出现的动乱，中央调整西藏与周边川、滇、青等省区的行政区划，形成了清代管理西藏和其他藏族聚居区行政区划的基本格局，并延续至今。直到1951年和平解放前，西藏地方政府的行政管辖范围从未超过今天西藏自治区范围。

In China's entire history, there has never been any geographical entity that supports this concept of a "Greater Tibet." The administrative repartition of contemporary China came into being over a long historical course. During the Tang Dynasty (618-907), the Tubo Kingdom was a multi-ethnic regime established by the Tubo people together with other ethnic groups and tribes inhabiting the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau and surrounding areas. After the Tubo Kingdom collapsed, the Tubo people shared the plateau together with other ethnic groups without any unified regime. During the Yuan Dynasty, the central government set up the U-Tsang High Pacification Commissioner's Office in Tibet to exercise jurisdiction over Tibet, and Do-kham and Domed High Pacification Commissioner's Offices in other Tibetan-inhabited areas. The three High Pacification Commissioner's Offices were under the Commission for Buddhist and Tibetan Affairs (previously the Supreme Control Commission for Buddhist and Tibetan Affairs) of the central government. The central government of the Ming Dynasty set up the u-Tsang Military Command and the Ngari Civilian and Military Command in Tibet, which were later upgraded to the u-Tsang Regional Military Commission. It also set up the Do-kham Military Command in the Do-kham area, which was later upgraded to the Do-kham Regional Military Commission. In 1726, in view of the upheaval in Tibet, the Qing imperial government adjusted the administrative divisions of Tibet and neighboring Sichuan, Yunnan and Qinghai, bringing into being the basic structure of administrative divisions under which the Qing central authorities governed Tibet and other Tibetan-inhabited areas. This structure has remained to this day. Never at any point prior to the peaceful liberation of Tibet in 1951 did the scope of administrative jurisdiction of the local government of Tibet extend beyond the present Tibet Autonomous Region.

“大藏区”是西方殖民者侵略中国、企图分裂中国的产物。“大藏区”的概念并非十四世达赖集团首创，而是在1913－1914年“西姆拉会议”上由英国殖民主义者提出并写入非法的“西姆拉条约”。该条约将中国藏族聚居区划分为“外藏”和“内藏”：“外藏”即今天的西藏自治区，实行“自治”；“内藏”即除西藏自治区之外的四川、云南、甘肃、青海的四省所属藏族聚居区，中国政府可以派遣官员军队。由于中国各族人民的强烈反对，当时的中国政府代表未签字并不予承认，“西姆拉会议”以破产而告终，“西姆拉条约”也成为一纸空文。但英国殖民主义者依然积极培植并支持西藏地方上层分裂势力，西藏地方上层分裂势力也一度幻想在英国支持下实现“自治”。直到晚年，曾被英国殖民主义者利用的十三世达赖喇嘛终于觉醒，1930年他在拉萨对当时的中央政府代表刘曼卿说：“都是中国领土，何分尔我，倘武力相持……兄弟阋墙，甚为不值”。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

"Greater Tibet" was a product of Western colonialist invasions of China and a product of their efforts to split China. The concept is not the brainchild of the Dalai group; it was proposed by British colonialists at the Simla Conference which took place from 1913 to 1914, and it was then written into the illegitimate Simla Accord. The Accord divided Tibetan-inhabited areas in China into "Outer Tibet" and "Inner Tibet"; the former covered the present Tibet Autonomous Region and would have "autonomy," while the latter included Tibetan-inhabited areas in Sichuan, Yunnan, Gansu and Qinghai, to which the Chinese government could dispatch officials and troops. The proposal was rejected outright by the whole of China, and the delegates of the Chinese government refused to sign and recognize the Simla Accord. As a result the Simla Conference broke down, and the Simla Accord never had any status as a legal document.

However, British colonialists continued to foster and support secessionist forces from the upper levels of Tibetan society, who persisted with their plans to achieve "autonomy" with British support. In his later years the 13th Dalai Lama, who had been exploited by British colonialists, finally woke up to what was happening. In 1930, he told Liu Manqing, a representative of the central government, in Lhasa: "Since it is all Chinese territory, why draw lines between yourselves and ourselves? If we allow ourselves to become ensnared in conflict... it is like brothers fighting each other; it makes no sense."

“大藏区”无视青藏高原各民族共同创造的历史和文化。中国各民族经过长期的交往，形成了大杂居、小聚居的分布特点。在中国，一个民族往往分布在不同行政区域，而一个行政区域又往往聚居着不同民族。在青藏高原地区特别是毗邻区域，自古以来就生活着汉、藏、回、门巴、珞巴、羌、蒙古、土、东乡、保安、裕固、撒拉、傈僳、纳西、普米、怒等十几个民族，他们是这块土地上的共同主人。今天的西藏和川、滇、甘、青四省，都是多民族杂居区，这是中国各民族人民长期交往交流交融的历史结果。由于地理、历史和风俗习惯等各个方面的原因，川、滇、甘、青地区的藏族不同部落分别由中国不同的省份管理，并和各地的其他民族长期交错相处。在长期的历史发展中，分布在不同行政区域的藏族人民既保持着共同的民族特点，又在部落语言、习俗等方面存在差异，各有特色。同时，不同区域的藏族与当地其他各族人民在政治、经济、文化等方面的交往非常频繁，特别是经济联系非常紧密，拥有共同的或相似的地域文化特色。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

"Greater Tibet" ignores the history and culture created by all the ethnic groups who have lived together on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau. After many years of contact and exchange, some of China's ethnic groups have spread over vast areas, while others live in individual concentrated communities in small areas. In China, it is quite common that people of one single ethnic group live in different administrative regions, while in a single administrative region there can be many different ethnic groups. On the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, particularly in its neighboring regions, there have lived more than a dozen ethnic groups since ancient times. These include Han, Tibetan, Hui, Monba, Lhoba, Qiang, Mongol, Tu, Dongxiang, Bao'an, Yugur, Salar, Lisu, Naxi, Pumi, and Nu, all of whom are masters of this land. The present Tibet and the four provinces of Sichuan, Yunnan, Gansu and Qinghai are all multi-ethnic regions, which is the result of a long-term history of exchange, communication and blending among various ethnic groups of China. For reasons of geography, history and customs, different Tibetan tribes are under the jurisdiction of the four different provinces, and have lived together with other ethnic groups in these places over a very long time. In the course of this long history, the Tibetan people, spread across different administrative regions, have both maintained some common features and displayed certain differences in language, customs and other aspects. At the same time, they have engaged in frequent political, economic and cultural exchanges with people of other local ethnic groups, and maintained close ties with them, particularly in the economic field, thus sharing the same or similar regional and cultural characteristics with other local peoples.

“大藏区”完全脱离中国现实国情。在中国，民族区域自治制度是国家的一项基本政治制度。民族区域自治是在国家统一领导下，各少数民族聚居的地方实行区域自治，设立自治机关，行使自治权。民族自治地方分为自治区、自治州、自治县三级。各民族自治地方都是中华人民共和国不可分离的部分。新中国成立后，除西藏自治区外，还在四川、云南、甘肃、青海等省的藏族聚居区成立了8个藏族自治州、1个藏族羌族自治州、1个蒙古族藏族自治州和2个藏族自治县，有的藏族自治州中还建立了其他民族的自治县。这种行政区划既充分照顾到民族分布的历史特点，又着眼于今后的发展，体现了民族因素与区域因素、历史因素与现实因素、政治因素与经济因素的结合，有利于各民族在祖国大家庭中共同繁荣发展，实践证明这一制度安排是成功的。《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》第14条规定：“民族自治地方一经建立，未经法定程序，不得撤销或者合并；民族自治地方的区域界线一经确定，未经法定程序，不得变动；确实需要撤销、合并或者变动的，由上级国家机关的有关部门和民族自治地方的自治机关充分协商拟定，按照法定程序报请批准。”

"Greater Tibet" disrespects China's national conditions. The system of regional ethnic autonomy is one of the basic elements of China's political system. Regional ethnic autonomy means that the minority ethnic groups, under unified state leadership, practice regional autonomy in areas where they live in compact communities and establish their own organs of self-government to exercise their right of autonomy. Ethnic autonomous areas are classified into the three levels of autonomous regions, autonomous prefectures and autonomous counties. All ethnic autonomous areas are integral parts of the People's Republic of China. After New China was founded in 1949, in addition to Tibet Autonomous Region, eight Tibetan autonomous prefectures, one Tibetan and Qiang autonomous prefecture, one Mongol and Tibetan autonomous prefecture and two Tibetan autonomous counties were set up in Sichuan, Yunnan, Gansu and Qinghai, while in some Tibetan autonomous prefectures there are autonomous counties of other ethnic minorities.

Such administrative division takes into account the distribution of different ethnic groups with a view to their future development. It gives expression to the combination of both the ethnical and regional, both political and economic factors that are the outcome of history and contemporary reality, and is conducive to the common prosperity and development of the various ethnic groups in the great family of the Chinese nation. Practice has proven that this system is successful. As the Law of the People's Republic of China on Regional Ethnic Autonomy stipulates in Article 14: "Once established, no ethnic autonomous area may, without legal procedures, be abolished or merged. Once defined, no boundaries of an ethnic autonomous area may, without legal procedures, be altered. Where abolition or merger or alteration is necessary, it will be proposed by the relevant department of the State organ at the next higher level with the organ of self-government of the ethnic autonomous area concerned after full consultation before it is submitted for approval according to legal procedures."

以上可见，十四世达赖集团谋求建立“大藏区”，既有违历史，也违背现实，完全脱离中国国情。“大藏区”无视青藏高原数千年来多民族杂居共处的事实，把各民族共同开发青藏高原的历史歪曲为单一民族的历史，在中国各民族之间制造矛盾和分歧，图谋建立排斥其他民族的纯而又纯的“大藏区”，是典型的极端民族主义和种族主义的表现。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

In summary, the concept of "Greater Tibet" the Dalai group seeks to establish runs counter to both history and contemporary reality, and is totally divorced from China's national conditions. "Greater Tibet" disregards the fact that the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau has long been populated by multiple ethnic groups, warps the true history of multi-ethnic development of the plateau into a false single-ethnic history, creates conflict and artificial differences among various ethnic groups of China, and seeks to establish a purely Tibetan "Greater Tibet" exclusive of all the other ethnic groups. It is thus an archetypal expression of racism and ultra-nationalism.

——“高度自治”是图谋制造“国中之国”，完全违背中国宪法和国家制度

- "A high degree of autonomy" attempts to set up "a state within a state," which contravenes the Constitution and state systems.

“高度自治”，又称“真正自治”、“名副其实的自治”，是十四世达赖集团宣扬“中间道路”的又一核心内容。表面上，“高度自治”是在中华人民共和国的主权范围内，追求语言、文化、宗教、教育、环境保护等方面的“自治权”。但是，在十四世达赖集团关于“高度自治”的言论中，还清楚地包括破坏中国国家统一、主权和国家制度的内容，“高度自治”实质是建立不受中央政府约束的“国中之国”。

"A high degree of autonomy," also described as "true autonomy" or "genuine autonomy," is another core element of the "middle way" advocated by the Dalai Lama and his followers. It purports to pursue the "power of autonomy" in language, culture, religious affairs, education, environmental protection and some other fields, subject to the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China. But, the Dalai party's demands for "a high degree of autonomy" also include claims that undermine national unity, sovereignty and the state systems of China; the essence of "a high degree of autonomy" is to set up "a state within state" free of any control from the central government.

一是关于“自治政府”与中央政府的关系。“高度自治”宣称“除了外交和国防，其他所有事务都应由藏人负责并负有全权”，“自治政府”有权在外国设立“代表处”。这实质是要把“自治政府”置于不受中央政府约束的独立地位，推翻西藏自治区现行的各项政治制度而另搞一套。

The first issue is the relationship between the "autonomous government" and the central government of China. Through "a high degree of autonomy," the Dalai group proposes to establish an "autonomous government" through "democratic elections." "All affairs except diplomacy and national defense should be under the full responsibility of the Tibetan people"; and "Tibetan people should have the power to set up a local government, governmental organizations and institutions that meet their demands and are in line with their characteristics. The people's congresses in autonomous areas have the authority to make laws and regulations for all issues, and the enforcement power and discretionary power in all departments of the autonomous government..."

This actually places the "autonomous government" in a position of independence and removes it from any level of authority exercised by the central government; it establishes an alternative set of political systems by overturning the ones currently effective in Tibet Autonomous Region.

二是关于西藏的军事防务。十四世达赖集团提出，“只有中共军队的完全撤退，才能开始真正的和解过程”，又提出，“应该召开地区性的和平会议，以确保西藏的非军事化”，企图把西藏变成“国际和平区”和“中印之间的缓冲区”，把中国内部事务变为国际事务。西藏是中华人民共和国的组成部分，中央政府在西藏驻军是国家主权的象征，也是国家安全的需要。十四世达赖集团反对中央政府在西藏驻军，再清楚不过地反映了其“西藏独立”的政治用心。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

The second issue concerns military affairs in Tibet. The Dalai party takes the position that "Only when troops of the Communist Party of China withdraw completely from the region, can we start real reconciliation." It also demands that "regional peace conferences shall be held to ensure Tibet remains a demilitarized zone," proposing to turn Tibet into an "international zone of peace" and a "buffer between China and India," attempting to move China's internal affairs into the international arena.

Tibet is a component of the People's Republic of China, and the central government stationing troops in Tibet serves as a symbol of state sovereignty and is out of the needs of national security. The Dalai group's opposition to the central government stationing troops in Tibet is clear evidence of its intention to seek complete independence.

三是关于其他民族的权利。十四世达赖集团提出，必须“停止向西藏移民，并使移民入藏的汉人回到中国”。十四世达赖集团重要成员桑东2005年在一次讲话中声称：“整个藏人居住区要由藏人自己来行使民族区域自治权，汉人等其他民族就像客人一样，不应以任何形式约束我们的权利。”如前所述，在十四世达赖集团所谓“大藏区”范围内，特别是青藏高原毗邻地区，历史上就是中国各民族频繁迁徙的民族走廊，形成了交错居住、互相依存的局面。十四世达赖集团要让这片地区数以千万计的其他民族迁离世代居住的故土，透露出一种荒唐而恐怖的逻辑，即所谓的“高度自治”实现之日，就是青藏高原民族清洗之时。

The third issue concerns the rights of other ethnic groups. The Dalai group demands that the central government must "prevent further migration into Tibet and return the Han people who have migrated into Tibet back to China." Samdhong Rinpoche, an influential figure in the Dalai group, declared in a speech in 2005, "The whole area inhabited by Tibetan people should be under the regional ethnic autonomous control of Tibetans themselves; Han and other groups are like guests and should not restrict our rights in any form."

As has already been demonstrated, the so-called "Greater Tibet" region, and particularly the neighboring areas of the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, has for centuries been a corridor of frequent migration of China's different ethnic groups, who have lived together and depended on each other in this region. The Dalai group's logic is absurd and chilling, proposing to force tens of millions of people of other ethnic groups out of this region where they have lived for generations. The net result of "a high degree of autonomy" would be tantamount to an ethnic cleansing of the plateau.

四是关于“高度自治”与“一国两制”。十四世达赖集团声称要按照“一国两制”的办法，在整个“大藏区”实行“高度自治”，并且西藏情况更“特殊”，自治权利应当比香港、澳门更大。“一国两制”是中国为解决台湾问题以及香港、澳门问题，实现国家和平统一而提出的基本国策。西藏与台湾以及香港、澳门的情况完全不同。台湾问题是国共内战遗留下来的问题。香港、澳门问题是帝国主义侵略中国的产物，是中国恢复行使主权的问题。而西藏始终处在中央政府主权管辖之下，根本不存在以上问题。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

The fourth issue concerns the "one country, two systems" policy. The Dalai group bases its demand for "a high degree of autonomy" on the "one country, two systems" policy; it believes that Tibet is "special" and should have even greater rights of autonomy than Hong Kong and Macau.

"One country, two systems" is a basic state policy adopted by the central government of China to resolve the issues of Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau, and to realize the peaceful reunification of our country. But the Tibet issue has nothing in common with the situation in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau. The Taiwan issue was a carry-over from the KMT-CPC civil war. The issues of Hong Kong and Macau were the direct result of imperialist aggression against China, and they concerned the resumption of sovereignty. Tibet has been an integral part of China's territory since ancient times, over which the central government has always exercised effective sovereign jurisdiction. So the issue of resuming exercise of sovereignty does not arise.

由此可见，所谓的“高度自治”，“自治”是假，“独立”是真，目的是要否定中国对西藏的主权，建立不受中央政府管辖的“大藏区”。如此的“高度自治”，根本没有实现的基础和条件。

This demonstrates that "a high degree of autonomy" is a mask that conceals the true aim of realizing complete independence; and its purpose is to deny China's sovereignty over Tibet and establish a "Greater Tibet" beyond the jurisdiction of the central government. There is no prospect of it ever coming to pass, for the following reasons:

其一，“高度自治”根本违背了《中华人民共和国宪法》关于中国各民族关系的精神和原则。《中华人民共和国宪法》序言明确表明：“中华人民共和国是全国各族人民共同缔造的统一的多民族国家。平等、团结、互助的社会主义民族关系已经确立，并将继续加强。在维护民族团结的斗争中，要反对大民族主义，主要是大汉族主义，也要反对地方民族主义。”第4条规定：“中华人民共和国各民族一律平等”，“禁止对任何民族的歧视和压迫，禁止破坏民族团结和制造民族分裂的行为”。《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》第48条规定：“民族自治地方的自治机关保障本地方内各民族都享有平等权利。”十四世达赖集团的“高度自治”，根本无视西藏各民族的平等权利，是极端民族主义的表现。

First, it violates the principles of the Constitution of China concerning ethnic relationships. The Constitution states clearly in the Preamble: "The People's Republic of China is a unitary multi-ethnic state built up jointly by the people of all its ethnic groups. Socialist relations of equality, unity and mutual assistance have been established among them and will continue to be strengthened. In the struggle to safeguard the unity of the ethnic groups, it is necessary to combat big-nation chauvinism, mainly Han chauvinism, and also necessary to combat local-national chauvinism." Article 4 says: "All ethnic groups in the People's Republic of China are equal... Discrimination against and oppression of any ethnic group are prohibited; any acts that undermine the unity of the ethnic groups or instigate their secession are prohibited." The Law on Regional Ethnic Autonomy stipulates in Article 48: "The organ of self-government of an ethnic autonomous area shall guarantee equal rights for the various ethnic groups in the area." The Dalai group's demands for "a high degree of autonomy" are an expression of ultra-nationalism that negates the equal rights of ethnic groups in Tibet.

其二，“高度自治”根本违背了中国现行国家结构。中华人民共和国在建立时就继承了单一制的国家结构，全国拥有统一的宪法和法律体系。在中国，构成国家整体的组成部分是地方行政区域而不是成员政府。《中华人民共和国宪法》第57条规定，全国人民代表大会是最高国家权力机关；第58条规定，全国人民代表大会和全国人民代表大会常务委员会行使国家立法权。各级地方政府都是中央政府的下级，必须服从中央政府的管理，不存在任何与中央政府法理上地位平等的权力主体。“高度自治”否定全国人大的最高权力，无视中央政府的权威，要求获得相当于国家层面的立法权，把地方对中央的隶属关系说成是政治实体之间的“合作”关系、对等关系。在中国，不存在中央和地方对等“谈判”、征得相互“同意”、建立“合作解决的途径”的问题。

Second, "a high degree of autonomy" runs counter to the present state structure of China. When founded, the People's Republic of China inherited a unitary state structure, with a unitary Constitution and legal system. In China, the state is constituted by local administrative regions rather than local governments. As the Constitution stipulates in Article 57: "The National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China is the highest organ of state power." It also stipulates in Article 58: "The National People's Congress and its Standing Committee exercise the legislative power of the state."

Local governments at various levels are all subordinate to the central government and thus shall be subject to its administration - de jure, there is no power subject equal in status to the central government. "A high degree of autonomy" denies the supreme power of the NPC and defies the authority of the central government. Instead, it demands the legislative power of the state, and interprets the administrative relationship between local government and the central government as a "cooperative" or peer-to-peer relationship between political entities. In China, there is no such a thing as the central government and a local government "negotiate" on an equal footing, seek "consent" from each other, and then find a "solution through cooperation."

其三，“高度自治”根本违背了中国特色社会主义基本政治制度。如前所述，民族区域自治制度是中国的一项基本政治制度。在自治区域内，各族公民享有平等的权利，各族公民权利受到宪法和法律的保障。各民族自治地方都是中华人民共和国领土不可分离的一部分。民族自治地方的人民政府是一级地方国家行政机关，同时也是自治地方的自治机关。《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》第15条规定：“各民族自治地方的人民政府都是国务院统一领导下的国家行政机关，都服从国务院。”西藏作为中国的一个自治区，自然在中央政府的领导之下。十四世达赖集团企图通过“高度自治”根本否定中国的民族区域自治制度。

Third, "a high degree of autonomy" runs counter to China's fundamental political system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. As aforementioned, the system of regional ethnic autonomy is a basic political system of China. In an autonomous area, people of various ethnic groups enjoy equal rights, and such rights are protected by the Constitution and other laws. All ethnic autonomous areas are integral parts of the People's Republic of China. The people's governments of ethnic autonomous areas are local organs of the state power at the relevant levels, as well as organs of self-government in these areas. The Law on Regional Ethnic Autonomy stipulates in Article 15: "The people's governments of all ethnic autonomous areas will be administrative organs of the State under the unified leadership of the State Council and will be subordinate to it." Tibet, as an autonomous region of China, is naturally under the leadership of the central government. The Dalai group's claims for "a high degree of autonomy" represent an out-and-out denial of China's system of regional ethnic autonomy.

佛教教义中的“中观”思想原本是主张摒弃“实有”和“恶趣空”两种偏见，不走极端。然而，十四世达赖集团的政治主张，只是借“中间道路”之名，行“西藏独立”之实。十四世达赖的二哥嘉乐顿珠、弟弟丹增曲嘉以及其重要骨干桑东等“藏独”头目曾表示：“我们先求自治，然后再把中国人赶走！自治将是个起步。”“第一步先让西藏在自治的名义下半独立；第二步过渡到西藏独立”。所谓的“西藏流亡政府”新头目也对印度《对话》杂志表示：“西藏独立与西藏自治的观点并不矛盾，从辩证角度看，西藏独立是原则目标，西藏自治是现实目标。”为推行“中间道路”，分阶段实现“西藏独立”，十四世达赖集团极力包装自己，佯装迎合“世界潮流”，假借诸如“第三条道路”、“民族自决”、“民族自治”、“非暴力”、“双赢”等国际话语，把“藏独”诉求粉饰成追求公平正义与民主自由。然而，由于彻底脱离中国国情与西藏实际，根本违背中国宪法、法律和基本政治制度，不管怎么包装都是徒劳的。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

In Buddhism, the "meditation on the mean" advocates rejection of two biases - "real existence" and "having evil views of the doctrine of voidness" (dur-grhita suyata), and advocates the avoidance of extremes. But the actual political claims of the members of the Dalai group are all about independence. Ringleaders of the group, including the 14th Dalai Lama's two brothers - Gyalo Thondup and Tenzin Chogyal, and Samdhong Rinpoche, an influential member of the leading group, once stated that they first seek autonomy, and then drive out the Chinese! Autonomy will be the start...; the first step is to realize the semi-independence of Tibet in the name of autonomy, and the

is to transit to its independence. The new head of the Tibetan "government-in-exile" once told Dialogue India, "Tibetan independence does not conflict with Tibetan autonomy. Dialectically, the former is the principle goal while the latter is a realistic target." To pursue the "middle way" and realize independence by stages, the Dalai party try their best to appeal to contemporary international trends, presenting their claims for independence as a call to fairness, justice, democracy and freedom under the banner of such expressions as "the third way," "national self-determination," "ethnic autonomy," "non-violence" and "win-win." However, they have no prospect of success as their goals are completely divorced from China's national conditions and Tibet's reality, and violate China's Constitution, its laws, and its basic systems.

四、“和平”、“非暴力”的假象

IV. A Veneer of Peace and Non-violence

多年来，十四世达赖集团在兜售“中间道路”时，总是借“和平”、“非暴力”等时髦话语来粉饰自己，掩盖其暴力和武装的本质，造成“慈善”假象，骗取国际社会的同情和支持。然而，在“和平”、“非暴力”等充满温情字眼的背后，人们不难发现，自1959年发动武装叛乱以来，十四世达赖集团始终是暴力和“非暴力”两手并用，借“非暴力”之名行暴力之实。“和平”与“非暴力”，不过是十四世达赖集团欺世盗名的遮羞布，他们从未放弃过使用暴力推行“西藏独立”的路线。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Over the years, the Dalai group has propagated its "middle way" with the use of such terms "peace" and "non-violence" to hide its true nature, feigning beneficence to gain international sympathy and support. Looking beyond the warm words, however, it is not difficult to find evidence that they have been willing to resort to both violence and non-violence, and to carry out violence under the guise of non-violence. For the Dalai party, "peace" and "non-violence" are no more than fig leaves, and in truth they have never abandoned the use of violence to promote their ultimate goal of "Tibetan independence."

——十四世达赖集团为达到“西藏独立”的政治目的，从来没有放弃过暴力

- The Dalai party has never abandoned the use of violence to achieve their ultimate goal of full independence.

1959年，十四世达赖集团发动大规模武装叛乱，武装袭击中央政府驻藏工作人员，大量残杀支持民主改革的藏族同胞。十四世达赖对此不但知情而且还明确鼓励。十四世达赖在其“自传”中曾这样写道：他们“每个人都是全副武装，甚至我的私人厨子也扛着一枚火箭筒，腰间挂满了炮弹。他是个曾受美国中央情报局训练的年轻人”。十四世达赖出逃印度后，重新组建武装部队，伺机“打回西藏”。1960年，十四世达赖集团在尼泊尔北部的木斯塘重新组建“四水六岗卫教军”。1962年，十四世达赖集团在外部势力的支持下，组建以流亡藏人为主的“印藏边境特种部队”。1961－1965年间，十四世达赖集团共偷越边境204次，疯狂袭扰中国边防军队和边境地区的平民。

In 1959, the Dalai party launched a large-scale armed revolt against officials the central government stationed in Tibet, and massacred local Tibetans who supported democratic reform. The 14th Dalai Lama was not only well-informed of the action but gave it his active support. He wrote in his book My Spiritual Autobiography: "Every one of them is armed to teeth, and even my personal cook is carrying a bazooka, with his waist belt full of ammunition. He has been well trained by the CIA..."

After the 14th Dalai Lama fled to India, he reorganized an army and waited to "fight his way back to Tibet." In 1960 in Mustang, a county in north Nepal, he rebuilt the "Chushi Gangdruk," an anti-Chinese guerilla force. In 1962, with support from external powers, he built a Special Frontier Force composed of mainly Tibetan exiles. From 1961 to 1965, these forces sneaked across the border 204 times to harass Chinese border troops and civilians.

十四世达赖集团曾经得到了美国中央情报局的武装支持。美国公开的档案资料显示，十四世达赖集团在1951年西藏和平解放之际即与美国政府建立了联系。在西藏武装叛乱期间，美国中央情报局不仅派特工帮助十四世达赖逃亡，而且专门训练了从事“藏独”活动的武装分子，并空投大量武器装备。2012年6月8日，德国《南德意志报》发表《神圣的表象》评论说，“纯粹和平主义的代表人物达赖喇嘛对中情局在西藏活动的了解，很可能比他迄今承认的多得多。如今，巨大的阴影落到了这位神王的头上”。这篇评论指出，十四世达赖与美国中央情报局的直接关系与其“最高道德权威的身份完全不符”。

The Dalai group has got armed support from the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). According to the US archives disclosed, the Dalai Lama first established contacts with the US government in 1951 after the peaceful liberation of Tibet. During the armed rebellion in Tibet, the CIA not only sent agents to help the 14th Dalai to flee, but also purposefully trained militants to support his forces and airdropped a large quantity of weaponry. An article titled "Heiliger Schein" published on June 8, 2012 in the Suddeutsche Zeitung commented that, as the leading exponent of pure pacifism, Dalai's knowledge of the CIA's infiltration in Tibet was probably much more than he had admitted so far; and this tainted the spiritual leader. The article also pointed out that the 14th Dalai Lama's relationship with CIA was "incompatible with his status as the supreme moral authority."

20世纪70年代末之后，随着国际形势的变化，十四世达赖集团公开实行暴力日益不得人心，迫于形势压力，开始采用两手策略：一手是连续制造暴力事件，向中央政府施压；一手是宣扬“非暴力”，欺骗世人，掩盖暴力行径。在十四世达赖集团的策划煽动下，20世纪80年代，西藏接连发生暴力事件。1987年9月21日，十四世达赖在美国国会演讲，鼓吹“藏独”思想。9月27日，暴徒在拉萨大昭寺广场呼喊分裂口号，围攻民警，并打伤多人。10月1日，暴徒在八廓街抢砸派出所，烧毁7辆汽车，数十名民警受伤。暴徒们声称：“达赖喇嘛要搞西藏独立，我们都要跟着干，谁要不跟着游行就砸谁的家。”1988年3月5日，拉萨传召大法会期间，一批暴徒在大昭寺、八廓街等地，冲击党政机关和公安派出所，砸烧汽车、商店等，造成民警、民众共299人死伤。1989年3月5日至7日，拉萨再次出现骚乱，暴徒使用枪支袭击民警，造成1名民警死亡，40名民警受伤，107家商户、24个政府机关、小学和居委会被捣毁。1992年3月11日，9名“藏独”分子用燃烧弹袭击中国驻印度使馆。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

With the evolving international situation since the late 1970s, the Dalai group's use of violence was steadily losing public support. It turned to a new dual strategy: constantly provoking incidents of violence to keep up the pressure on the central government, while publicly proclaiming non-violence to deceive his international audience. In the 1980s, a succession of violent incidents took place, planned or instigated by the Dalai party. On September 21, 1987, the 14th Dalai Lama made a speech to the US congress, calling for independence. On September 27, in the square of Jokhang Temple, a group of lamas shouted separatist slogans, attacked police, and injured many civilians. On October 1, a small gang of rioters raided the police station on Barkhor Street in Lhasa and burned seven cars, leaving dozens of policemen injured. The rioters proclaimed that the Dalai Lama was fighting for Tibetan independence. They demanded the support of bystanders and the general public, and threatened personal retaliation on those who failed to join them. On March 5, 1988, during the Monlam Prayer Festival, a gang of rioters stormed into local Party and government offices and police stations around the Jokhang Temple and Barkhor Street, smashing and burning cars and shops, leading to 299 police and civilian casualties. From March 5 to 7 of 1989, Lhasa witnessed another riot in which one policeman was shot dead and 40 others were injured, and 107 shops and 24 government offices, primary schools and neighborhood committees destroyed. On March 11, 1992, nine Tibetan separatists attacked the Chinese embassy in India with fire bombs.

更为严重的暴力事件发生在2008年3月14日。这天，一群暴徒在拉萨市中心城区多点以石块、刀具、棍棒等为武器，对无辜路人、车辆、商铺、银行、电信营业网点和政府机关实施打砸抢烧，当地社会秩序受到严重破坏，给民众生命财产造成重大损失。在事件中，暴徒纵火300余处，拉萨908户商铺、7所学校、120间民房、5座医院受损，砸毁金融网点10个，至少20处建筑物被烧成废墟，84辆汽车被毁，18名无辜群众被烧死或砍死，受伤群众达382人，其中重伤58人。大量事实表明，“3·14”事件是十四世达赖集团精心策划和煽动的。事件发生后，十四世达赖通过其私人秘书处发表声明，将暴力事件美化为“和平抗议”。3月16日，十四世达赖接受英国BBC记者采访时表示：“不论藏人在何时做何事，我都会尊重他们的意愿，不会要求他们停下来。”与此同时，深受达赖影响的“西藏青年大会”（以下简称“藏青会”）通过“立即组建游击队秘密入境开展武装斗争”的决议。“藏青会”头目称，为了彻底胜利，已经准备好至少再牺牲100名藏人。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

A much more serious riot took place on March 14, 2008. That day, a mob congregated in the downtown area of Lhasa, assaulting innocent passers-by with weapons including rocks, daggers and clubs, smashing and looting vehicles, shops, banks, the Telecom business offices, and government properties, severely disrupting social order, and causing heavy losses of life and property. During the incident, there were over 300 cases of arson, while 908 shops, seven schools, 120 houses, and five hospitals were damaged. Ten bank branches were looted, at least 20 buildings were burnt to the ground, and 84 vehicles were torched. Most seriously, a total of 18 people were burnt or hacked to death, and 382 people were injured - 58 of them seriously. There is ample evidence that the March 14 riot was organized, masterminded and instigated by the Dalai group. After the incident, the 14th Dalai Lama himself released a statement through his personal secretariat, describing the riots as "peaceful protests." On March 16, he said in an interview with the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) that he would not ask the rioters to stop because their demands came from the Tibetan people, and he had to respect their will. In the meantime, the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), very much under the influence of the Dalai, passed a resolution to "immediately organize guerrillas to infiltrate China for armed struggle." The head of the TYC claimed that they were ready to sacrifice another 100 Tibetans to win complete victory.

——十四世达赖集团破坏象征和平的奥运会，充分暴露其“非暴力”的虚伪性

- The separatists' attempts to disrupt the Olympic Games expose their hypocrisy.

奥运会是人类和平、友谊和进步的象征，为各国人民所欢迎和珍重。十四世达赖集团对北京奥运会进行滋扰破坏，是对其所谓“非暴力”形象的极大讽刺。

The Olympic Games are a symbol of peace, friendship and progress, which is welcomed and cherished by all peoples. The Tibetan separatists' disruption of the Beijing Olympic Games exposed their hollow image of "non-violence."

2007年5月，“藏独”势力和国际反华势力在比利时首都布鲁塞尔举行“第五届国际声援西藏组织大会”，时任“西藏流亡政府”头目桑东出席了这次会议。这次会议通过了一个《战略计划》，决定启动抵制2008年北京奥运会的运动。之后在美国的“藏独”组织提出了“西藏人民大起义”构想。他们认为2008年是实现“西藏独立”的最后一次机会，决定利用奥运会前国际社会关注中国的“有利时机”，图谋“通过唤醒、协调西藏境内的行动给中国制造危机”。

In May 2007, the Tibetan independence forces and the international anti-China forces held the Fifth International Campaign for Tibet in Brussels. It was attended by Samten, leader of the Tibetan government-in-exile. At this meeting, a strategic plan was agreed to launch a campaign to boycott the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. Later, the Tibet independence organizations in the US put forward proposals for a "Tibetan people's uprising." Believing the 2008 Olympic Games represented the last opportunity to achieve the Tibetan independence, they decided to take advantage of this "opportunity" while China was the focus of international attention before the Olympic Games. Their goal was to "instigate and coordinate activities within Tibet to create crisis for China."

2007年年底，“藏青会”、“西藏妇女协会”（以下简称“藏妇会”）等“藏独”激进组织在印度召开会议，宣称将发起“西藏人民大起义运动”。2008年1月4日、25日，7个“藏独”组织在印度新德里组织新闻发布会，公布《“西藏人民大起义运动”倡议书》，并在100多个网站上传播，称“将从2008年3月10日开始，举行不间断的大规模的‘西藏人民大起义运动’”。3月10日，十四世达赖发表讲话，鼓动中国境内的不法分子采取暴力行动。“藏青会”在同一天发表声明称，“目前应紧紧抓住过去独立斗争中从未有过的重要契机，即今年的奥运会”，为了“西藏独立”，“不惜流血和牺牲生命”。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Towards the end of 2007, radical groups, such as the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC) and the Tibetan Women's Association (TWA), held meetings in India, announcing plans to launch a People's Uprising in Tibet. On January 4 and January 25, 2008, seven Tibetan independence organizations held a press conference in New Delhi, India, releasing proposals for this uprising, spreading the news on more than 100 websites, and threatening to instigate constant large-scale uprisings from March 10, 2008. On March 10, the 14th Dalai made a speech, urging his followers within Chinese territory to engage in violence. On the same day, the TYC made a statement, claiming that it would "now seize a most important opportunity never before seen in our struggle for independence - the upcoming Olympic Games," and that it would "spare neither blood nor life for Tibetan independence."

在十四世达赖集团的策划组织下，2008年北京奥运会筹办期间，“藏独”势力在国际上制造了一系列干扰破坏活动。“藏独”分子多次破坏奥运会的重要仪式，包括冲击希腊的圣火采集仪式，在多国抢夺传递中的奥运火炬等野蛮行为，引起国际社会极大愤慨。

Masterminded and instigated by the Dalai group, the Tibetan independence forces engaged in a series of sabotage activities against the Beijing Olympic Games. They interfered with important ceremonies, including disrupting the torch-lighting ceremony in Greece and attempting to grab the Olympic torch during the torch relay in various countries, provoking a strong reaction from the international community.

——十四世达赖集团漠视普通藏人生命，蛊惑纵容僧俗信众自我施暴

- The 14th Dalai Lama encourages deluded lamas and lay followers to engage in self-immolation.

2011年8月，所谓的“西藏流亡政府”新头目上台后明确提出“创新非暴力”运动。自此，十四世达赖集团开始通过多种途径煽动境内藏族僧俗、信众自焚，造成中国部分地区接连发生自焚事件。2012年5月29日，在“藏青会”为自焚藏人举行的烛光集会上，其头目宣称，“西藏独立不会从天上掉下来，也不会从地上长出来，而要靠我们的努力和行动，要付出代价”。2012年9月25日至28日，十四世达赖集团召开第二次“全球流亡藏人特别大会”，明确将自焚视为“最高形式的非暴力行动”，将自焚者视为“民族英雄”，为其建造纪念堂、筹措专项基金。此后的一段时间，十四世达赖集团大肆鼓吹“自焚不违背佛法”、“自焚属于殉教行为，是菩萨行”，诱骗藏区信众特别是一些阅世不深的青少年走上不归路，导致自焚事件陡增。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

In August 2011, the new leader of the so-called Tibetan government-in-exile announced a new commitment to non-violence. Subsequently, the Dalai group leadership began to incite Tibetan lamas and lay followers inside China to engage in acts of self-immolation, leading to a series of such incidents in a number of regions. On May 29, 2012, at a TYC candlelight rally to commemorate Tibetans who had conducted self-immolation, its head claimed, "Tibetan independence will neither fall from the sky nor grow from the earth; rather it relies on our efforts and action and needs sacrifice." From September 25 to 28, 2012, the Dalai group convened the Second Special Meeting of Tibetans in Exile, describing self-immolation as the highest form of non-violence, hailing its unfortunate victims as "national heroes," building memorials and raising special funds for them. For a period that ensued, the Dalai group vigorously preached that "self-immolation does not go against Buddhist doctrine" and that "self-immolation is martyrdom and Bodhisattva deeds," duping Buddhist believers in Tibet - and particularly innocent young people - and setting them on a path of ruin. The inevitable result was a sudden increase in self-immolations.

中国公安机关侦破的一系列自焚案件，清楚地说明自焚事件是十四世达赖集团一手操纵和制造的。位于四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州的格尔登寺是自焚事件发生最多的地方，事实证明，该寺发生的自焚事件与十四世达赖集团的策动有着密切关系。十四世达赖集团组织自焚一般通过四条途径：一是通过格尔登系寺庙和印度格尔底寺“新闻联络小组”联络，遥控策划自焚；二是由“藏青会”成员非法入境，煽动组织自焚；三是通过境外回流人员教唆自焚；四是利用网络和“藏独”媒体炒作造势鼓动自焚。

Investigations by China's public security organs into incidents of self-immolation revealed clearly that they are being manipulated and instigated at the highest level by the Dalai group. Kirti Gompa in the Aba Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture is where the greatest number of self-immolation incidents have taken place; it has been proved that these incidents have close links with the Dalai group.

The Dalai group has four ways to instigate self-immolation: first, planning incidents from abroad through a so-called "press liaison group" based in Kirti Gompa in Sichuan and the Kirti Monastery in India; second, sending TYC members into Tibet to incite self-immolation; third, mobilizing people returning from overseas to abet self-immolation; and fourth, using the Internet and "Tibetan independence" media to hype up self-immolation.

十四世达赖集团还发布操弄自焚行为的《自焚指导书》，有系统地煽动、教唆境内藏人自焚。该书作者署名拉毛杰，曾连任过两届“流亡议会”“议员”。《自焚指导书》共分四部分：第一部分鼓吹自焚者是“无畏的英雄，很伟大很光荣”，怂恿“男女英雄们”时刻准备牺牲生命；第二部分是教授如何做“自焚准备”，详细指导自焚者“时间上要选择重要日子”，“环境要选择重要的地方”，“留下书面或录音遗言”，“托一两个信得过的人帮助录像或照相非常重要”；第三部分是“自焚口号”，教唆自焚者呼喊统一的口号；第四部分是配合自焚的其他行动。《自焚指导书》完全是一部教唆他人自我施暴、制造恐怖气氛的死亡指南。撰写并传播《自焚指导书》，无疑犯有杀生的罪孽，与藏传佛教教义完全相悖。

The Dalai group has also released a Self-immolation Guide on the Internet - an instruction manual to incite Tibetans residing within China to burn themselves. The author of this Guide is Lhamo Je, who served for two terms as a "member" of the "parliament in exile." The Self-immolation Guide consists of four parts: the first part advocates the idea that self-immolators are "great, honorable and intrepid heroes" and that "both these male and female heroes" should always be prepared to sacrifice themselves for the "just cause." The second part gives detailed instructions on "preparations for self-immolation," including "picking important days and places," "leaving written or recorded last words," and "asking trustworthy friends to help record videos or take photos." The third part introduces the "self-immolation slogans," instructing victims to always shout the same slogans. And the fourth part illustrates other activities in company with self-immolation. The Self-immolation Guide is a death guide filled with a sense of terror. In Tibetan Buddhism, writing and spreading such instructions is contrary to Buddhist teachings and supposed to be a sin.

在公共场合的自我施暴本身就是暴力行为，目的是制造恐怖氛围和传导恐怖心理。在这个是非明确的问题上，十四世达赖扮演了不光彩的角色。2011年11月8日，自焚事件发生初期，他在接受媒体采访时说：“问题在这里，自焚需要勇气，非常大的勇气。”这实际上是对自焚者表示赞赏和肯定。2012年1月3日，他又为自焚辩解称，“自杀从表面看是暴力行为，但区分暴力与非暴力最终在于动机和目的，源于愤怒和憎恨的行为才是暴力”。显然，在他看来，自焚是“非暴力”行为。2012年10月8日，他在接受专访时还说，“我非常肯定的是，那些自焚者之所以牺牲自己是因为怀揣着真挚的动机，是为了佛法和人民的福祉，从佛教的观点来看，是积极的”。在此，他已十分清楚地对自焚给予肯定和赞扬。达赖还利用其宗教领袖身份，亲自主持“法会”，带头为自焚者“超度”、“念经”、“祈福”，这对具有朴素宗教感情的信众很具煽动性和蛊惑力。

Inflicting self-immolation in public is itself an act of violence, intended to create an atmosphere of terror and horror. On this issue of principle, the 14th Dalai Lama played an infamous role. On November 8, 2011, when the incidents of self-immolation had just begun, he said in an interview that the point was the self-immolation demanded courage, and a great deal of courage indeed. He thereby both showed his appreciation for and approval of self-immolators. On January 3, 2012, he defended self-immolation on the basis that it was superficially an act of violence, but what differentiated violence and non-violence was the motives and aims behind each act, and only an act driven by hatred and anger was violence. It was clear that he regarded self-immolation an action of non-violence. On October 8, 2012, he said in an interview that he was sure that self-immolators were sacrificing themselves with a sincere motivation and for the benefit of Buddhism and well-being of Tibetans, and that, from the Buddhist point of view, it was a positive act. Through these words, he has repeatedly and explicitly offered his approval of and compliments for self-immolation. He has also hosted dharma assembly acting in his capacity as a religious leader to expiate the sins of the dead, chant scriptures and pray for them, an action which turns out to be very incendiary to innocent believers in Buddhism.

尊重生命，反对暴力，是佛教的基本主张。佛教既反对杀生，也反对自杀，主张慈悲为怀，善待、爱惜、救护一切生命。不自杀，为佛陀所制定的重戒。在佛教经典中，自杀与教人自杀，皆属大恶。佛教《四分律》、《弥沙塞五分戒本》、《十戒律》等比丘戒律都规定：若比丘亲手自杀，或请别人杀死自己，或教别人自杀，此比丘便犯了杀生重戒，失去作比丘的资格，须驱出僧团。佛教还认为，劝诱、鼓励、赞叹自杀，及为自杀行为提供条件和方便，是一种严重的罪业。十四世达赖集团对藏人自焚的态度和做法，就是在教唆、诱导别人自杀，属犯罪行为。此种行为不仅违背了人类的基本良知和道德，而且严重践踏了佛教教义，与佛教生命观完全相悖。中国政府为维护人民权利，捍卫法律尊严，采取多方面措施制止自焚事件，挽救无辜生命，并对自焚事件中的违法犯罪分子依法惩处，挫败了十四世达赖集团利用自焚实现“藏独”的图谋。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Respecting life and opposing violence are basic tenets of Buddhism. Buddhism opposes killing and suicide, and advocates leniency, and valuing, loving and saving all beings. Suicide is a taboo set by Buddha. In Buddhist classics, suicide and instigate others to take their own lives are both major evils. The Buddhist precepts such as Dharmagupta-vinaya, Mahishasaka Vinaya, and Shikchapada Vinaya all stipulate that, if bhiksu kills, asks others to kill himself, or teaches others to kill themselves, he thus breaches the precepts, disqualifies himself as a bhiksu, and should be expelled from Sangha. In Buddhism, it is believed that inducing, inciting, or praising suicide, and assisting with or facilitating suicide are a great asukla-karman (sin). The Dalai group's attitude and response to Tibetans' self-immolations are encouraging them to commit suicide, a criminal act. It not only runs counter to basic human conscience and morality, but also tramples on Buddhist doctrine and contravenes the Buddhist outlook on life.

In order to safeguard people's rights and defend the dignity of the law, the Chinese government has taken a series of measures to stop self-immolation, save innocent lives, and bring the criminals involved in these incidents to justice in accordance with the law.

——十四世达赖集团煽动民族仇恨，培养崇尚暴力的“藏独事业”接班人

- The Dalai group incites inter-ethnic animosity and trains its supporters to promote independence through violence.

多年来，十四世达赖集团为实现“西藏独立”，始终没有停止在藏族和中国其他民族之间制造隔阂和矛盾，挑拨离间民族关系，煽动民族仇恨。自1959年发动叛乱失败后，十四世达赖在讲话中不断宣称：“赤色汉人”是“怀中之蛇和令人生厌的东西”；“汉人就像一个神经不正常的人”；“汉人把藏人看成牲口一般，进行残酷的折磨”；“自从汉人来了以后，西藏的痛苦就增多了，因此痛苦增多的根源在于汉人”；“汉人残酷、无情、凶狠，千方百计地消灭藏族”，“中共屠杀了100多万藏人”。近年来，十四世达赖集团还利用自焚事件强化仇恨教育，在所办学校展示自焚照片，强迫孩子们向自焚者致敬，攻击中央政府治藏政策，强化民族隔阂和仇恨心理。

Over the years, the Dalai party has, to realize "Tibetan independence," constantly stoked the flames of division between Tibetan and other ethnic groups, sowing discord and inciting inter-ethnic animosity. Since the failure of his attempted rebellion in 1959, the 14th Dalai has made frequent statements in his speeches such as:

"the Red Han people were snakes in your chest and abominable..."

"the Han people are like psychopaths..."

"they tortured us Tibetans ruthlessly and treat us like beasts..."

"after their arrival, Tibetans had more pain to suffer, so the cause of our pain is them..."

"the Han people are cruel and malicious, aiming to wipe Tibetans out..."

"the CPC has slaughtered over one million Tibetans..."

In recent years, the Dalai group has intensified sentiments of hatred among the young by exploiting self-immolation, exhibiting grotesque photos in schools, forcing students to pay tribute to self-immolators, attacking the central government's policies in Tibet, and building up inter-ethnic animosity and division.

成立于1970年的“藏青会”，是直接听命于十四世达赖的“藏独”激进组织，目的是为“藏独事业”培养“接班人”。“藏青会”章程规定，“遵从怙主达赖喇嘛的正确领导和指引”，“致力于西藏自由、独立的正义事业”，“不惜生命代价”。“藏青会”自成立之日起就不断制造暴力和恐怖活动。“藏青会”多届主席都曾经声称：“武装斗争和使用暴力是西藏获得完全独立的必由之路”，“恐怖活动可以用最低成本获得最大效果”，“恐怖活动可以获得广泛影响，吸引国际社会对西藏问题的关注”。2003年7月3日，时任“藏青会”主席的格桑平措在接受媒体采访时说：“只要是为了我们的事业，我们不惜使用任何手段，无论是暴力还是非暴力”。多年来，“藏青会”不仅策划和煽动不明真相的普通群众参与暴力事件，还积极培训其武装和后备力量。他们在印度达兰萨拉设立了武装训练基地，组建“西藏自由战士协会”，进行武装破坏活动，并派人与国际恐怖组织接触，寻求相互支持。在西藏和其他地方发生的很多暴恐事件，都与“藏青会”有直接关系。

The Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), founded in 1970, is a radical organization for "Tibetan independence" giving its allegiance to the 14th Dalai; it is to train successors to the "cause of Tibetan independence." Its charter stipulates that it will "follow the correct leadership and guidance of Dalai Lama," "devote to Tibet's just cause for freedom and independence," "even at the cost of life." Ever since the time it was founded, the TYC has constantly promoted violence and acts of terrorism. TYC leaders have made the various following claims:

"Armed struggle and the use of violence are the only road to the complete independence of Tibet..."

"Acts of terror can maximize the effect at minimal cost..."

"Acts of terror can exert wide influence and attract the attention of the international community to the Tibet issue..."

On July 3, 2003, the then TYC leader Kelzang Phuntsok said in an interview, "We will try all means, violent or non-violent, to achieve our goal." For years, the TYC not only schemed and incited ill-informed people to engage in violence, but also actively trained armed and reserve forces. They set up military training bases in Dharamsala, India, and established the "Tibetan Freedom Fighters Association" to carry out armed sabotage and sent people to contact international terrorist organizations to seek mutual support. TYC has had a hand in many incidents of violence and terror in Tibet and other places in China.

十四世达赖集团出于培养“藏独”接班人的政治目的，制造“藏族孤儿”事件，导致骨肉分离，酿成人间悲剧。据瑞士《新苏黎世报》报道，20世纪60年代，十四世达赖与瑞士商人勾结，强行将近200名藏族儿童从亲生父母身边夺走，谎称其为“孤儿”，安排瑞士家庭领养。十四世达赖此等所为，公然违背人伦道德，严重践踏儿童权利，为人类正义和善良所不容。

For the political purpose of training successors for the cause of "Tibetan independence," the Dalai group masterminded the "Tibetan infants" incidents, a real human tragedy by taking infants away from their parents. According to the report of Swiss newspaper Neue Zuercher Zeitung, in 1960s, about 200 Tibetan infants were taken from their parents and sent to Switzerland for adoption through a Swiss businessman in collusion with the 14th Dalai Lama, claiming these children were orphans. His doing violated common ethics and morality, trampled on children's rights, and is despised by every person with a sense of justice.

十四世达赖集团为维系权威，排除异己，对政治和宗教上的不同意见者采取暗杀、毒害等手段，实施政治和宗教迫害。20世纪90年代末期功德林活佛在家中被刺成重伤，赤江和松布两个年轻活佛遭到“死亡威胁”。这些事件都与十四世达赖集团有着直接的关系。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

The Dalai group has also employed political and religious persecution against dissidents to maintain its authority. Rivals have been eliminated by assassination and poisoning. In the late 1990s, Kundeling, the living Buddha, was stabbed and severely wounded at his home, while Trisong and Sumpa, two young living Buddhas, faced death threats. It has been confirmed that the Dalai group had a hand in these events.

五、中央政府对十四世达赖的政策

V. The Central Government's Policy Towards the 14th Dalai Lama

60多年前，中央政府从维护祖国统一和民族团结的大局出发，积极争取十四世达赖的合作，实现西藏和平解放。1959年十四世达赖叛逃国外后，中央政府始终是仁至义尽、给予出路。然而，十四世达赖在这60多年里则一而再、再而三地作出了与中央政府和西藏人民的愿望背道而驰的选择。

More than 60 years ago, for the sake of the unification of the country and national unity, the central government made positive efforts to seek the cooperation of the 14th Dalai Lama and achieve the peaceful liberation of Tibet. Since the 14th Dalai Lama fled abroad in 1959, the central government has all along exercised great restraint and done its best for best solutions. However, he has repeatedly made choices that run counter to the wishes of the central government and the people of Tibet.

——达赖喇嘛的历史合法性源自中央政府，十四世达赖在西藏和平解放过程中，曾作过一些有益的事，但最终背离了自己的正确选择

- The historical legitimacy of Dalai Lama came from the central government. The 14th Dalai Lama did make some contribution to the peaceful liberation of Tibet, but he subsequently deviated from his correct choice.

达赖喇嘛这个藏传佛教格鲁派大活佛的称号及其历史地位和影响与中央政府的封授密不可分。1653年，五世达赖应召进京朝见清朝顺治皇帝，被册封并授予金册金印。从此达赖喇嘛的封号及其在西藏的政教地位得以确立。1793年，清朝颁布《钦定藏内善后章程二十九条》，确立达赖喇嘛转世的金瓶掣签制度。1940年2月5日,国民政府颁布“府字第898号”令，批准青海省湟中县祁家川5岁男童拉木登珠为第十三世达赖喇嘛转世，并根据西藏地方政府免于金瓶掣签的请求，特准继任为第十四世达赖喇嘛，拨付坐床大典所需经费四十万元。2月22日，循历史定制，中央政府代表吴忠信与热振活佛一起主持了十四世达赖的坐床典礼。拉木登珠成为十四世达赖，其合法性来自中央政府关于达赖喇嘛制度的规定和国民政府的批准认可。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Dalai Lama is a leading incarnation in the hierarchy of the Gelug Sect of Tibetan Buddhism. Its historical status and influence have been closely associated with conferment by the central government. In 1653, the 5th Dalai Lama was summoned to an audience with Qing Emperor Shunzhi, who conferred on him the title of Dalai Lama and issued a gold imperial edict and gold seal to him, officially establishing the title and its political and religious status in Tibet. In 1793, the Qing government enacted the 29-article Authorized Regulations for the Better Government of Tibet. These regulations established the system of drawing lots from a golden urn in relation to the authenticity of the reincarnation of Dalai Lama. On February 5, 1940, the central government of the Republic of China (1912-1949) issued edict No. 898 to approve the status of the five-year-old boy Lhamo Thondup, born in Qijiachuan, Huangzhong County, Qinghai, as the incarnation of the 13th Dalai Lama and his enthronement as the 14th Dalai Lama, and give consent to the local government's request to waive the lot-drawing convention. The central government granted 400,000 yuan to cover his enthronement costs. On February 22, following established historical traditions, the central government representative Wu Zhongxin and the Tibetan Regent Reting Hutuktu presided over the enthronement ceremony of the 14th Dalai Lama. Lhamo Thondup's enthronement as the 14th Dalai Lama owed its legality to the central government's regulations on the Dalai Lama system, and approvement by the government of the Republic of China.

1949年中华人民共和国成立后，为争取和平解放西藏，中央政府组织开展了大量的政治争取工作。1950年11月，西藏地方政府主张亲帝和分裂的摄政达扎·阿旺松饶被迫下台，十四世达赖提前亲政，新中国领导人对他表示祝贺。在中央政府民族平等政策与和平解放西藏方针的感召下，十四世达赖和西藏地方政府派出以阿沛·阿旺晋美为首席代表的代表团到北京谈判。西藏实现和平解放后，中央人民政府驻藏代表带着新中国领导人毛泽东写的亲笔信抵达中印边境小城亚东，劝导在那里观望形势的十四世达赖返回拉萨。新中国领导人在信中指出：“这个协议是符合西藏民族和人民的利益，同时也符合于全中国各族人民的利益。从此西藏地方政府和西藏人民在伟大祖国大家庭中，在中央人民政府统一领导下，得以永远摆脱帝国主义的羁绊和异族的压迫，站起来，为西藏人民自己的事业而努力。我希望你领导的西藏地方政府认真实行关于和平解放西藏办法的协议，尽力帮助人民解放军和平开进西藏地区。”7月21日，十四世达赖启程返回拉萨。10月24日，十四世达赖代表西藏地方政府公开声明完全接受《十七条协议》。

After the People's Republic of China was founded in 1949, the central government invested extensive efforts to achieve the peaceful liberation of Tibet. In November 1950, the pro-imperialist separatist Regent Taktra Ngawang Sungrab was forced to resign. The 14th Dalai Lama assumed power and won congratulations from the leadership of New China. Inspired by the central government's policy of equality of all ethnic groups and the peaceful liberation of Tibet, the 14th Dalai Lama and the local government of Tibet sent a delegation led by Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme to Beijing for talks with the central government. After Tibet was peacefully liberated, the 14th Dalai Lama waited at Dromo in Tibet, near the Indian frontier, to see how events would proceed. A representative of the Central People's Government arrived with a letter written by Mao Zedong, leader of New China, which tried to persuade the Dalai Lama to return to Lhasa. Chairman Mao pointed out in his letter, "The Agreement is in the interests of the Tibetan ethnic group and its people as well as that of people of all other ethnic groups of China. Henceforth, the local government and people of Tibet, as part of the greater family of the motherland under the unified leadership of the Central People's Government, will forever break free from the shackles of imperialism and foreign oppression, and stand up to strive for the cause of the people in Tibet. I hope that the local government of Tibet, with you in charge, will seriously implement the Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet and do its best to help the People's Liberation Army enter Tibet peacefully." On July 21, the 14th Dalai Lama left Dromo for Lhasa. On October 24, on behalf of the local government of Tibet, he made a public statement accepting in full the 17-Article Agreement.

——西藏和平解放后，中央政府尊重十四世达赖的固有地位，给予其崇高荣誉并积极争取他为建设新中国作贡献，但他当面一套，背后又是一套

- After the peaceful liberation of Tibet, the central government recognized the established status of the 14th Dalai Lama, treating him with great respect and encouraging him to contribute to the building of New China. However, he betrayed these efforts; his co-operation proved to be a pretence.

《十七条协议》规定：“达赖喇嘛的固有地位和职权，中央亦不予变更”。和平解放后，中央政府给予十四世达赖很高的政治待遇。1953年，十四世达赖当选为全国佛教协会名誉会长。1954年，十四世达赖参加中华人民共和国第一届全国人民代表大会第一次会议，讨论国家大事，拥护和赞成第一部宪法草案。十四世达赖在会上发言，充分肯定三年多来执行《十七条协议》取得的成绩，对民族区域自治的原则和规定表示热烈拥护。他还说：“敌人造谣共产党、人民政府毁灭宗教，现在这种谣言已经完全破产了，西藏人民已经切身地体会到在宗教信仰上是有自由的。”在这次会议上，十四世达赖当选为第一届全国人大常委会副委员长，这是西藏地方领导人历史上在中央政府担任的最高职务。在北京期间，新中国领导人多次接见十四世达赖，与他谈心。十四世达赖撰写《毛主席颂》，歌颂新中国领导人毛泽东的丰功伟绩。1956年，西藏自治区筹备委员会成立，十四世达赖担任筹委会主任。他在筹备委员会成立大会上致辞时表示，《十七条协议》使西藏人民“充分享受到民族平等的一切权利，开始走上了自由幸福的光明大道”，“自治区筹委会的成立，不仅是适时的，而且是必要的”。在执行《十七条协议》、人民解放军进藏、十世班禅返藏、自治区筹委会成立等问题上，他一度做出了积极姿态。

The 17-Article Agreement stipulates, "The central authorities will not alter the established status, functions and powers of the Dalai Lama." After the peaceful liberation of Tibet, the central government recognized the political status of the 14th Dalai Lama and treated him with great respect. In 1953, he became the honorary president of the Buddhist Association of China. In 1954, he participated in the discussion on state affairs at the First Session of the First National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China and upheld the draft of the country's first Constitution. At the meeting, the 14th Dalai Lama spoke highly of the success achieved over the previous three years and more since the conclusion of the 17-Article Agreement and expressed strong support for the principles and rules of regional ethnic autonomy. He also said, "The enemy has been spreading the rumor that the Communist Party and the People's Government destroyed religions. This strategy has collapsed and the people of Tibet now enjoy religious freedom."

At the session, the 14th Dalai Lama was elected by the meeting a vice chairman of the Standing Committee of the First National People's Congress, the highest central government position ever held by a local leader of Tibet. During his stay in Beijing, central government leaders held frank and genial talks with him on many occasions. The 14th Dalai Lama wrote the Ode to Chairman Mao to extol the great accomplishments of Mao Zedong. In 1956, the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region was founded and chaired by the 14th Dalai Lama. In his speech at the inaugurating ceremony, he reaffirmed that the 17-Article Agreement "had enabled the Tibetan people to enjoy in full all rights of ethnic equality and to embark on a bright road of freedom and happiness," and hailed the founding of the Preparatory Committee as "timely and necessary." For a time, he showed a positive attitude towards the implementation of the 17-Article Agreement, the PLA's entry into Tibet, the 10th Panchen Erdeni's return to Tibet, and the founding of the Preparatory Committee.

然而，在分裂分子和帝国主义势力的拉拢和支持下，十四世达赖罔顾作为佛教徒的基本戒律和伦理，辜负中央政府的期望，对中央政府阳奉阴违，暗中从事分裂国家活动。1959年，十四世达赖集团为抗拒废除农奴制的民主改革，撕毁《十七条协议》，发动全面武装叛乱。对于十四世达赖的两面派手法，中央政府早有洞察。新中国领导人毛泽东指出：“达赖要叛乱的阴谋从1955年由北京回去就开始了。1957年初他从印度回来，到1958年布置了两年。”十四世达赖对自己阳奉阴违的做法直言不讳，他在1965年曾称，在1951年至1959年的九年间，“一边在口头上说我们为能回到祖国大家庭而高兴，为能同祖国大家庭中的人民一道建设社会主义社会而高兴之类的话的时候，在心中也隐藏着一句话”，“此话就是：西藏要自由独立”。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

However, through the machinations of separatists and imperialist forces, the 14th Dalai Lama turned away from the basic discipline and ethics of Buddhism and betrayed the hopes the central government had placed in him, secretly engaging in separatist activities while feigning loyalty to the central government in public. In 1959, he and his supporters tore up the 17-Article Agreement, rejected the democratic reform of abolishing serfdom, and instigated a full-scale armed rebellion. The central government had already begun to see through this double-dealing. As Chairman Mao Zedong pointed out, "The Dalai Lama's plans to launch a rebellion started just after his return from Beijing in 1955. He prepared this rebellion for two years - from early 1957, when he returned from India, to 1958." In 1965, the 14th Dalai Lama spoke publicly about his feigned compliance during the nine years from 1951 to 1959, "We paid lip service to being glad to return to the motherland and to working together to build a socialist society, while we kept an unspoken faith in our heart - 'Tibet wants freedom and independence'."

——发动武装叛乱后，中央政府对十四世达赖仁至义尽，在一段时间内仍采取耐心等待的态度，但他在背叛祖国的道路上越走越远

- After the armed rebellion broke out, the central government showed extreme forbearance and waited for a time with an attitude of patience, but the 14th Dalai Lama went further and further down the road of dividing China.

西藏发生武装叛乱后，中国人民解放军在西藏各族人民的拥护和支持下，迅速平息了叛乱，同时开展了民主改革运动。对十四世达赖的叛逃，中央政府决定不加阻拦，并以其被劫持的说法，为其留有余地。同时，对他采取了耐心等待的态度，他的全国人大常委会副委员长职务一直保留到1964年。1959年10月，新中国领导人毛泽东在同印度共产党代表团谈话时说：“如果达赖赞成我们的主张，我们希望达赖回来。只要赞成两条，第一，西藏是中国的一部分，第二，在西藏要进行民主改革和社会主义改革，他就可以回来。”

With the support and cooperation of people of all the ethnic groups in Tibet, the PLA quickly put down the armed rebellion and enforced democratic reform. The central government decided not to prevent the 14th Dalai Lama from fleeing abroad, even allowing him some leeway by announcing that he had been abducted. The central authorities adopted an attitude of patience, and preserved his position as a vice-chairman of the NPC Standing Committee until 1964. In his talks with a delegation from the Indian Communist Party in October 1959, Chairman Mao Zedong said, "We will welcome the Dalai Lama's return if he accepts our two propositions. One is that Tibet is part of China and the other is that he will carry out democratic and socialist reform in Tibet."

然而，叛逃后的十四世达赖在叛国途中即公开撕毁《十七条协议》，矢口否认其曾经表示的爱国立场和作出的爱国承诺，公然与中央政府决裂，走上背叛国家和民族的道路。1959年6月，十四世达赖在印度穆索里发表声明，声称“西藏实际上一向是独立的”。1963年，十四世达赖在印度达兰萨拉召开“西藏人民代表大会”，成立所谓“西藏流亡政府”，颁布所谓“宪法”，规定“由达赖任国家元首”，“大臣由达赖任命”，“政府的一切工作均由达赖同意方被认可”。

However, the 14th Dalai Lama publicly abandoned the 17-Article Agreement during his defection and flatly denied his previous patriotic stance and his promise of loyalty to China. He openly broke with the central government, taking a path of betraying the Chinese nation. In June 1959, he issued a statement in Mussoorie, India, claiming that Tibet had in fact been an independent country. In 1963, he convened a "people's congress of Tibet" in Dharamsala, India, which established the "Tibetan government in exile." A so-called "constitution" was promulgated, which states that "the Dalai Lama is the head of state," "the ministers shall be appointed by the Dalai Lama," and "no work of the government shall be approved without the consent of the Dalai Lama."

1964年12月17日，中国国务院第151次全体会议通过《关于撤消达赖职务的决定》，指出：“达赖在1959年发动叛国的反革命武装叛乱，逃亡国外后，组织流亡伪政府，公布伪宪法，支持印度反动派对我国的侵略，并且积极组织和训练逃往国外的残余叛乱武装骚扰祖国边境。这一切证明他早已自绝于祖国和人民，是一个死心塌地为帝国主义和外国反动派作工具的叛国分子。”微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

On December 17, 1964, the 151st Plenary Meeting of the State Council adopted the Decision on the Removal of the Dalai Lama from His Official Positions, which stated, "After the Dalai Lama staged the treasonous armed rebellion in 1959, he fled abroad and organized a 'government-in-exile,' issued a bogus constitution, provided support for Indian aggression against Chinese territory, and engaged in the organization and training of remnants of Tibet's armed forces who had fled abroad with the object of attacking our borders. All this proves that he has alienated himself from the country and the people, and been reduced to a traitor working for imperialists and reactionaries abroad."

——中国改革开放后，中央政府为十四世达赖改正错误指明出路，提出了“爱国一家，爱国不分先后”的方针，但他始终围绕“西藏独立”兜圈子

- After the start of reform and opening up, the central government offered the 14th Dalai Lama an opportunity to repent his way by adopting the policy that "all patriots belong to one big family, whether they embrace patriotism earlier or later." But he chose to maintain his support for "Tibetan independence."

爱国是中央政府对十四世达赖和海外藏胞提出的一个基本要求。为增进十四世达赖和海外藏胞对祖国建设成就的了解，从1979年8月到1980年9月，中央政府有关部门接待了十四世达赖先后派出的三批参观团和两批亲属回国参观。十四世达赖在国外的大部分亲属曾回国参观、探亲。令人遗憾的是，十四世达赖非但没有接受中央的善意和提供的宝贵机遇，反而顽固坚持“藏独”立场，变本加厉地进行分裂破坏活动，丧失了与中央政府和解的时机。十四世达赖派出的回国参观团利用中央政府“来去自由”政策，四处鼓吹“西藏独立”，煽动民族仇恨，非法干扰和破坏社会正常的生产生活秩序。

Patriotism is a basic requirement of the central government raised on the 14th Dalai Lama and other overseas Tibetans. From August 1979 to September 1980, the relevant central government departments received three visiting delegations and two groups of relatives sent by the Dalai Lama. Most of the Dalai Lama's kin residing abroad have made return visits to China. Regretfully, the Dalai Lama did not draw on the goodwill of the central government. Instead, he stubbornly stuck to his stance and further intensified his separatist activities, wasting the valuable opportunity the central government had provided for reconciliation. In fact, the visiting groups sent by the Dalai Lama took advantage of the central government's policy of free movement in and out of the country to circulate and advocate independence, inciting hatred among ethnic groups, and disturbing and disrupting the social order.

从1979年开始，中央政府应十四世达赖方面的请求，开始不定期地与十四世达赖的私人代表进行接触商谈。1979年2月，中国领导人邓小平在接见十四世达赖的二哥嘉乐顿珠时就达赖回国问题指出，“西藏是中国的一部分，他们回国只能作为内部问题来谈，不能作为国家与国家对话，这是根本问题”。“只要达赖公开承认西藏是中国的一部分，就可以与中央对话，爱国不分先后。根本问题是西藏是中国的一部分，对与不对，要用这个标准来判断”。

Responding to a request from the 14th Dalai Lama, in 1979 the central government began to conduct talks with his private representatives on an irregular basis. In February 1979, in his meeting with Dalai Lama's elder brother Gyalo Thondup, Deng Xiaoping spoke about a possible return to China: "As Tibet is part of China, the discussion on their return is a domestic affair rather than a negotiation between countries. This is the fundamental principle... The central government is willing to talk with the Dalai Lama as long as he openly admits that Tibet is part of China. Anyone is welcome, whether he embraces patriotism earlier or later. Essentially Tibet is part of China. This is the criterion for judging right or wrong."

1989年后，随着苏联、东欧形势发生剧变，十四世达赖错误地估计形势，宣称“西藏独立的日子即将来临”，声称“不和一个即将垮台的政权谈判”。1989年十世班禅大师圆寂后，经中央政府同意，中国佛教协会邀请达赖回国参加班禅大师的追悼活动。十四世达赖拒绝了这次邀请。1993年，十四世达赖单方面宣布中断与中央政府的接触。1995年，十四世达赖公然否定历史定制和宗教仪轨，认定其所谓的十世班禅转世灵童。

Following the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in 1989, the 14th Dalai Lama misread the situation and declared, "The time for Tibetan independence is coming," and committed "not to negotiate with a collapsing regime." In 1989, the 10th Panchen Erdeni passed away. With the approval of the central government, the Buddhist Association of China invited the Dalai Lama to attend the Panchen Erdeni's memorial ceremonies. But, he rejected the invitation. In 1993, he unilaterally decided to break off contact with the central government. In 1995, in defiance of the historical traditions and religious rites, he announced the so-called reincarnation of the 10th Panchen Erdeni.

即使如此，中央政府仍然向十四世达赖指明出路。1997年，中央政府指出：“只要达赖真正放弃分裂祖国的立场，停止分裂祖国的活动，公开承认西藏是中国不可分割的一部分，承认台湾是中国不可分割的一部分，承认中华人民共和国政府是代表全中国的唯一合法政府，就可以与达赖喇嘛就其个人前途问题进行接触商谈。”迄今为止，中央仍坚持这一基本原则。2003年，中央再次指出：在西藏要坚持中国共产党的领导，坚持社会主义制度，坚持民族区域自治制度。“三个坚持”是中国宪法明确规定的，是西藏最大的政治现实，也是接触商谈的根本政治原则。中央一再强调，接触商谈的两个基本点是：第一，接触的对象只能是达赖喇嘛的私人代表。“流亡政府”，不管名称如何变化，由谁掌管，都只是一个背叛祖国的分裂主义政治集团，代表不了西藏人民，没有任何合法性，没有任何同中央“对话”的资格。第二，接谈的内容只能是达赖喇嘛的个人前途问题，至多加上他身边个别人前途问题，也就是达赖喇嘛如何彻底放弃分裂主义主张和行为，争取中央和全国人民谅解，以解决其余生怎么办的问题，西藏的政治地位和政治制度是中国宪法和法律规定的，根本不可能讨论什么“西藏问题”、“高度自治”问题。

Nevertheless, the central government continued to offer solutions. In 1997, the central authorities stated, "The central government is willing to contact and negotiate with the 14th Dalai Lama over his own future as long as he genuinely abandons separatism and any activities likely to divide the country, and openly admits that Tibet and Taiwan are inalienable parts of China and that the government of the People's Republic of China is the only legitimate government representing China." The central government has continued to follow these basic principles to this day. In 2003, the central government made it clear that the leadership of the Communist Party, the socialist road and the system of regional ethnic autonomy should be upheld in Tibet. These are stipulated in the Constitution and are the paramount political facts in Tibet as well as the fundamental principles for contact and negotiation. The central government emphasized two premises for contact and negotiation. One is that the central government will only talk with private representatives of the Dalai Lama. No matter what it is called or who is in charge, the "government in exile" is essentially a separatist political group, cannot represent the people of Tibet, and does not have the legitimacy or qualifications to engage in talks with the central government. The other is that the talks are aimed at discussing the future of the Dalai Lama and some of his followers at most. To be specific, any negotiations will be limited to seeking solutions for the Dalai Lama to completely abandon separatist claims and activities and gain the forgiveness of the central government and the Chinese people, and to working out what he will do with the rest of his life. As the political status and system of Tibet is stipulated by the Chinese Constitution and laws, the "Tibet issue" and "a high degree of autonomy" are not up for discussion.

从1979年至2002年，中央政府13次接待十四世达赖的私人代表，2002年至2010年1月，又10次同意他们回国。然而，十四世达赖屡屡辜负中央期望，不但始终坚持“中间道路”那一套违反中国宪法、实质分裂祖国的主张，而且策划制造了暴力干扰北京奥运会、拉萨“3·14”事件和自焚事件等破坏活动。2011年，十四世达赖宣布政治“退休”，与中央政府接触的私人代表不久也宣布辞职。此后，十四世达赖集团公然宣称以所谓“政府”名义与中央政府进行谈判，公然破坏接触商谈基础，造成接触商谈无法进行。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

The central government received 13 visits by private representatives of the 14th Dalai Lama between 1979 and 2002, and ten visits from 2002 to January 2010. To the disappointment of the central government, the Dalai Lama has remained committed to his "middle way," which runs counter to the Constitution and aims at splitting the country. Moreover, he has planned and instigated activities of sabotage, including violent disturbance during the Beijing Olympic Games, violence in Lhasa on March 14, 2008, and incidents of self-immolation. In 2011, the Dalai Lama announced his "political retirement," followed shortly by the announcement of "resignation" by his private representatives who had kept contact with the central government. Since then, the Dalai group has declared that it would only talk with the central government in the name of the "government-in-exile," thereby destroying any basis for contacts and negotiation, which have now been halted.

30多年来，十四世达赖集团根据国内外形势的变化，不断改变、调整策略，几次擅自终止与中央的接触商谈。当他们认为国内外形势对其不利时，就要求与中央进行接触；当他们认为国内外形势对其有利时，就中止与中央的接触。即使是在接触的过程中，他们也始终围绕“西藏独立”兜圈子，始终没有停止在国内外的分裂祖国活动。

Over the past 30 years and more, the Dalai Lama and his supporters have adjusted and altered their strategies along with changes in the national and international situation. They have unilaterally broken off contacts and negotiation with the central government on several occasions. When they thought the situation was working to their disadvantage, they would call for contacts with the central government; when they thought the situation was in their favor, they would break off these contacts. None of the negotiations were conducted in good faith - it was always the intention of the Dalai Lama and his supporters to divide China and achieve independence for Tibet.

中国共产党第十八次全国代表大会以来，以习近平同志为总书记的党中央再次重申，“中央对十四世达赖本人的政策是一贯的、明确的，达赖只有公开声明西藏自古以来就是中国不可分割的一部分，放弃‘西藏独立’的立场，停止分裂祖国的活动，才谈得上改善与中央的关系。”中央政府希望十四世达赖喇嘛在有生之年能够丢掉幻想，正视现实，改正错误，选择客观理性道路，为流亡海外的藏族同胞做些有益的事。微博@高斋翻硕 公众号:高斋翻译学堂

Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the central leadership led by President Xi Jinping has reiterated, "The central government has followed a clear and consistent policy towards the 14th Dalai Lama. Only when he makes a public statement acknowledging that Tibet has been an integral part of China since antiquity, and abandons his stance on independence and his attempts to divide China, can he improve his relationship with the central government in any real sense." The central government hopes that the Dalai Lama will put aside his illusions in his remaining years and face up to reality, adapt his position, choose the objective and rational path, and do something of benefit to overseas Tibetan compatriots in exile.

结束语

Conclusion

历史车轮滚滚向前，时代潮流不可阻挡。

The wheels of history roll forward and the tides of the times are irresistible.

西藏的发展道路是历史的选择，人民的选择。实践证明，只有坚持团结、反对分裂，坚持进步、反对倒退，坚持稳定、反对动乱，西藏才会有光明前途。任何人和任何势力企图逆历史潮流而动，其结果只能被历史和人民所抛弃。

Tibet's path of development is one imposed by history and chosen by the people. Experience proves to us that only by upholding unity and opposing separatism, only by upholding progress and opposing retrogression, only by upholding stability and opposing turmoil, can the future of Tibet be assured. Any person or force that attempts to resist the tide will simply be cast aside by history and by the people.

十四世达赖集团鼓吹的“中间道路”，以“西藏独立”为政治目的，背离中国国情和西藏实际，违反中国宪法和中国国家制度。十四世达赖集团只有承认西藏自古是中国的一部分，放弃“西藏独立”的主张，停止分裂中国的活动，真正做些对国家和对西藏有益的事情，才会有出路。

The "middle way" advocated by the Dalai Lama and his supporters, with "Tibetan independence" as their ultimate goal, is just such an attempt. It places itself in opposition to the prevailing realities of the nation and in Tibet. It contravenes China's Constitution and its state systems. The only sensible alternative is for the Dalai Lama and his supporters to accept that Tibet has been part of China since antiquity, to abandon their goals of dividing China and seeking independence for Tibet, and to begin to act in the interests of Tibet and the country at large.

西藏的未来属于西藏全体人民，属于整个中华民族，西藏的明天将更加美好。在未来的岁月里，西藏各族人民将同祖国大家庭各族人民一道，继续沿着中国特色社会主义道路前进，为建设团结、民主、富裕、文明、和谐的社会主义新西藏，为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而不懈奋斗！

The future of Tibet belongs to all the peoples of Tibet and to China as a nation. Tibet has every prospect of a brighter future. In the years to come, the people of every ethnic group in Tibet, along with others in the greater family of the motherland, will progress on the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, striving to build a new, united and democratic Tibet, to celebrate the brilliance of its culture, to develop a prosperous, harmonious socialist society, and to join with their fellow Chinese in accomplishing the Chinese Dream of the great renewal of the nation.